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Map of the British Indian Empire, 1909, showing the prevailing majority religions of the population for different districts.

The Two-Nation Theory also known as The Ideology of Pakistan[1] was the basis for the Partition of India in 1947. It stated that Muslims and Hindus were two separate nations by every definition, and therefore Muslims should have an autonomous homeland in the Muslim majority areas of British India for the safeguard of their political, cultural, and social rights, within or without a United India.

Contents

History

The Two-Nation Theory/Ideology of Pakistan took shape through an evolutionary process with Muslim Modernist and reformer Sir Syed Ahmad Khan (1817-1898) starting the movement on South Asian Muslim self-awakening and identity. Poet Philosopher Allama Muhammad Iqbal (1877-1938), (the poet of East), provided the philosophical explanation and Barrister Muhammad Ali Jinnah (1871-1948) translated it into the political reality of a nation state. The All-India Muslim League, in attempting to represent Indian Muslims, felt that the Muslims of the subcontinent were a distinct and separate nation from the Hindus. At first they demanded separate electorates, but when they came to the conclusion that Muslims would not be safe[by whom?] in a Hindu-dominated India, they began to demand a separate state. The League demanded self-determination for Muslim-majority areas in the form of a sovereign state promising minorities equal rights and safeguards in these Muslim majority areas.

The evidence cited for the differences dates to the beginning of the eleventh century, when the scholar Al-Biruni (973-1048) observed that Hindus and Muslims differed in all matters and habits. Allama Iqbal's presidential address to the Muslim League on December 29, 1930 is seen as the first introduction of the two-nation theory in support of what would ultimately become Pakistan. Ten years later, Jinnah made a speech in Lahore on March 22, 1940 which was very similar to Al-Biruni's thesis in theme and tone. Jinnah stated that Hindus and Muslims belonged to two different religious philosophies, with different social customs and literature, with no intermarriage and based on conflicting ideas and concepts. Their outlook on life and of life was different and despite 1,000 years of history, the relations between the Hindus and Muslims could not attain the level of cordiality.

Support

Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar

In his book Pakistan or The Partition of India, Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar has written a sub-chapter titled If Muslims truly and deeply desire Pakistan, their choice ought to be accepted. He writes that if the Musalmans are bent on Pakistan, then it must be conceded to them. He asks whether Muslims in the army could be trusted to defend India. In the event of Muslims invading India or in the case of a Muslim rebellion, whom would the Indian Muslims in the army side with, he questions. He concludes that in the interests of the safety of India, Pakistan should be acceded to, should the Muslims demand it. According to him the Hindu assumption that though Hindus and Muslims were two nations they could live under one state, was but a empty sermon, a mad project, to which no sane man would agree.[2]

In an Op-Ed piece in the Pakistan Times, Samina Mallah asserts that the Two-Nation Theory is relevant to this day citing factors such as lower literacy and education levels amongst Indian Muslims as compared to Indian Hindus, long-standing cultural differences, and outbreaks of religious violence such as those occurring during the 2002 Gujarat Riots in India, however she adds that even after 60 years of independence, Pakistan has not confirmed to being a One-Nation in that is shows disunity.[1].

Criticism

Map of British Indian Empire, 1909, showing percentage of Hindus in different districts.

Some historians have claimed that the theory was a creation of a few Muslim intellectuals.[3] Prominent Pakistani politician Altaf Hussain of Muttahida Qaumi Movement believes history has proved the two-nation theory wrong.[4] A newspaper report quotes him saying

The two-nation theory died with the break-up of the country in 1971.[5]

Ahmad Faruqui, reviewing Stephen Cohen's book, Jinnah's unfulfilled vision: The Idea of Pakistan refers to Cohen's observation that the vision of the two-nation theory is beset with problems. Pakistan was to be a home to the Muslims of South Asia (sic). Before partition in a population of 400 million, 100 million were Muslims. When partition took place, a third of the Muslims were in West Pakistan, a third in East Pakistan and a third remained behind in India. After the secession of East Pakistan, in 1971, only a third of the Muslims of South Asia resided in the "new" Pakistan, making it difficult for Pakistani leaders to defend the two-nation theory. The reviewer also adds that Cohen considers Pakistan's vision unjustifiable because there are as many Muslims in India and in Bangladesh as there are in Pakistan and that though Bangladesh continues to exist as a separate state from India, it does not change the reality that the majority of the Muslims of South Asia now reside outside of Pakistan. Ahmad also mentions Cohen quoting Altaf Hussain,

The idea of Pakistan was dead at its inception, when the majority of Muslims chose to stay back after partition, a truism reiterated in the creation of Bangladesh in 1971.[6]


Partition

Critics of the theory point to the fact that after partition, a significant minority, almost a third of the Muslims, remained in the Hindu-majority India, whilst almost all the Hindus and Sikhs chose to leave the Muslim-majority Pakistan and migrate to India during the violence that accompanied partition[7], leaving Pakistan (after the separation of Bangladesh) today with a Hindu population of 1.5%.[8]

Creation of Bangladesh

Critics, some in Pakistan, also point to the Bangladesh Liberation War in 1971, as an example that a homogeneous Muslim majority may not always guarantee unity or security and that this concept was buried in the secession of East Pakistan now Bangladesh.[9] Irfan Husain, in his editorial in the Dawn observes that it has now become an “impossible and exceedingly boring task of defending a defunct theory”.[10] Shaukat Qadir, a retired Pakistani Brigadier in an article in the Daily Times, writes that the theory would have been considered disproved only if East Pakistan had reunited with India.[11]

Statements and sayings

In Muhammad Ali Jinnah All India Muslim League Presidential Address delivered at Lahore, on March 22–23, 1940, he explained:

Jinnah delivering a political speech.
It is extremely difficult to appreciate why our Hindu friends fail to understand the real nature of Islam and Hinduism. They are not religions in the strict sense of the word, but are, in fact, different and distinct social orders, and it is a dream that the Hindus and Muslims can ever evolve a common nationality, and this misconception of one Indian nation has troubles and will lead India to destruction if we fail to revise our notions in time. The Hindus and Muslims belong to two different religious philosophies, social customs, litterateurs. They neither intermarry nor interdine together and, indeed, they belong to two different civilizations which are based mainly on conflicting ideas and conceptions. Their aspect on life and of life are different. It is quite clear that Hindus and Mussalmans derive their inspiration from different sources of history. They have different epics, different heroes, and different episodes. Very often the hero of one is a foe of the other and, likewise, their victories and defeats overlap. To yoke together two such nations under a single state, one as a numerical minority and the other as a majority, must lead to growing discontent and final destruction of any fabric that may be so built for the government of such a state.
Muhammad Iqbal

Allama Iqbal's statement explaining the attitude of Muslim delegates to the Round-Table Conference issued in December, 1933 was a rejoinder to Jawahar Lal Nehru's statement. Nehru had said that the attitude of the Muslim delegation was based on “reactionarism”. Iqbal concluded his rejoinder with:

In conclusion I must put a straight question to pundit Jawahar Lal, how is India's problem to be solved if the majority community will neither concede the minimum safeguards necessary for the protection of a minority of 80 million people, nor accept the award of a third party; but continue to talk of a kind of nationalism which works out only to its own benefit? This position can admit of only two alternatives. Either the Indian majority community will have to accept for itself the permanent position of an agent of British imperialism in the East, or the country will have to be redistributed on a basis of religious, historical and cultural affinities so as to do away with the question of electorates and the communal problem in its present form.

Stand of Savarkar

Savarkar in the 1920s-1930s.

The Hindu Maha Sabha under the presidentship of Vinayak Damodar Savarkar,]], was an enemy of all Indian Muslims, but it presented a stand of complete opposition to the formation of Pakistan. Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar summaries Savarkar's position, in his Pakistan or The Partition of India as follows,

Mr. Savarkar... insists that, although there are two nations in India, India shall not be divided into two parts, one for Muslims and the other for the Hindus; that the two nations shall dwell in one country and shall live under the mantle of one single constitution;... In the struggle for political power between the two nations the rule of the game which Mr. Savarkar prescribes is to be one man one vote, be the man Hindu or Muslim. In his scheme a Muslim is to have no advantage which a Hindu does not have. Minority is to be no justification for privilege and majority is to be no ground for penalty. The State will guarantee the Muslims any defined measure of political power in the form of Muslim religion and Muslim culture. But the State will not guarantee secured seats in the Legislature or in the Administration and, if such guarantee is insisted upon by the Muslims, such guaranteed quota is not to exceed their proportion to the general population.[2]

References

  1. ^ a b "Two-Nation Theory Exists". Pakistan Times. http://www.pakistantimes.net/2007/04/03/oped2.htm. 
  2. ^ a b Ambedkar, Bhimrao Ramji (1945). Pakistan or the Partition of India. Mumbai: Thackers. http://www.columbia.edu/itc/mealac/pritchett/00ambedkar/ambedkar_partition/307a.html#part_2. 
  3. ^ India and Pakistan in the Shadow of Afghanistan, Amaury de Riencourt, Foreign Affairs, Winter 1982/83
  4. ^ THE SLOGAN OF TWO-NATION THEORY WAS RAISED TO DECEIVE THE ONE HUNDRED MILLION MUSLIMS OF THE SUBCONTINENT
  5. ^ Staff report (2004-11-02). "Two-nation theory died with Pakistan’s break-up, says Altaf" (in English). Daily Times (Pakistan). http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_2-11-2004_pg7_53. Retrieved 2009-10-06. 
  6. ^ Faruqui, Ahmad (2005-03-19). "Jinnah's unfulfilled vision: The Idea of Pakistan by Stephen Cohen" (in English). Asia Times (Pakistan). http://www.atimes.com/atimes/South_Asia/GC19Df04.html. Retrieved 2009-10-06. 
  7. ^ Sixty bitter years after Partition - BBC News
  8. ^ The Largest Hindu Communities
  9. ^ Two Nation Theory
  10. ^ A discourse of the deaf, by Irfan Husain, November 4, 2000 Dawn
  11. ^ "India and Partition". Daily Times. http://www.dailytimes.com.pk/default.asp?page=story_10-4-2004_pg3_5. 
  12. ^ Official website, Nazaria-e-Pakistan Foundation. "Excerpt from the Presidential Address delivered by the Quaid-i-Azam Lahore on March 22-23, 1940". http://www.nazariapak.info/data/quaid/statements/two-nation.asp. Retrieved 2006-04-22. 
  13. ^ Official website, Iqbal Academy, Lahore. "Iqbal and the Pakistan Movement". http://www.allamaiqbal.com/person/movement/move_main.htm. Retrieved 2006-04-22. 

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