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The Israel Defense Forces (IDF) (Hebrew: צְבָא הַהֲגָנָה לְיִשְׂרָאֵל, An order of Defense Minister David Ben-Gurion on May 26, 1948 officially set up the Israel Defense Forces as a conscript army formed out of the paramilitary group Haganah, incorporating the militant groups Irgun and Lehi. The IDF served as Israel's armed forces in all the country's major military operations — including the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the 1956 Sinai War, the 1967 Six-Day War, the War of Attrition, the 1973 Yom Kippur War, Operation Litani, the 1982 Lebanon War, Operation Defensive Wall, the 2006 Lebanon War and Operation Cast Lead. While originally the IDF operated on three fronts—against Lebanon and Syria in the north, Jordan and Iraq in the east, and Egypt in the south—after the 1979 Egyptian–Israeli Peace Treaty, it has concentrated its activities in southern Lebanon and the Palestinian Territories, including the First and the Second Intifada. The Israel Defense Forces differs from most armed forces in the world in many ways, including the conscription of women, and the structure, with close relations between the ground forces, air force and navy. Since its founding, the IDF has striven to become a unique army fitting Israel's specific requirements. In 1965, the Israel Defense Forces was awarded the Israel Prize for its contribution to education.[3] The IDF uses several technologies developed in Israel, many of them made specifically to match the IDF's needs, such as the Merkava main battle tank, advanced Hi-Tech weapons systems, and the Galil and Tavor assault rifles. The Uzi submachine gun was invented in Israel and used by the IDF until December 2003, ending a service that began in 1954. The IDF also has close military relations with the United States,[4] including development cooperation, such as on the F-15I jet, THEL laser defense system, and the Arrow missile defense system.
[edit] History Main articles: History of the Israel Defense Forces and Military operations conducted by the Israeli Defense Forces The IDF traces its roots to Jewish paramilitary organizations in the New Yishuv, starting with the Second Aliyah (1904 to 1914). The first such organization was Bar-Giora, founded in September 1907. It was converted to Hashomer in April 1909, which operated until the British Mandate of Palestine came into being in 1920. Hashomer was an elitist organization with narrow scope, and was mainly created to protect against criminal gangs seeking to steal property. During World War I the forerunners of the Haganah/IDF were the Zion Mule Corps and the Jewish Legion. After the Arab riots against Jews in April 1920, the Yishuv's leadership saw the need to create a nationwide underground defense organization, and the Haganah was founded in June of the same year. The Haganah became a full-scale defense force after the 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine with an organized structure, consisting of three main units—the Field Corps, Guard Corps and the Palmach. During World War II the successor to the Jewish Legion of World War I was the Jewish Brigade. The IDF was founded following the establishment of the State of Israel, after Defense Minister and Prime Minister David Ben-Gurion issued an order on May 26, 1948. The order called for the establishment of the Israel Defense Forces, and the abolishment of all other Jewish armed forces. Although Ben-Gurion had no legal authority to issue such an order, the order was made legal by the cabinet on May 31.[5] The two other Jewish underground organizations, Irgun and Lehi, agreed to join the IDF if they would be able to form independent units and agreed not to make independent arms purchases. This was the background for the dispute which led to the Altalena Affair, when following a confrontation regarding the weapons it brought resulted in a battle between Irgun members the newly-created IDF. It ended when the ship was shelled. Following the affair, all independent Irgun and Lehi units were either disbanded or merged into the IDF. The Palmach, a strong lobby within the Haganah, also joined the IDF with provisions, and Ben Gurion responded by disbanding its staff in 1949, after which many senior Palmach officers retired, notably its first commander, Yitzhak Sadeh. The new army organized itself during the 1948 Arab–Israeli War, when Syria, Lebanon, Egypt, Transjordan, Iraq, Saudi Arabia and Yemen declared war on Israel. Twelve infantry and armored brigades formed: Golani, Carmeli, Alexandroni, Kiryati, Givati, Etzioni, the 7th and 8th armored brigades, Oded, Harel, Yiftach and Negev.[6] After the war, some of the brigades were converted to reserve units, and others were disbanded. Directorates and corps were created from corps and services in the Haganah, and this basic structure in the IDF still exists today. Immediately after the 1948 war, the Israel Defense Forces shifted to low intensity conflict against Arab Palestinian guerrillas. In the 1956 Suez Crisis, the IDF's first test of strength after 1949, the new army proved itself by capturing the Sinai Peninsula from Egypt, which was later returned. In the 1967 Six-Day War, Israel captured the Sinai Peninsula, West Bank and Golan Heights from the surrounding Arab states, changing the balance of power in the region as well as the role of the IDF. In the following years leading up to the Yom Kippur War, the IDF fought a war of attrition against Egypt in the Sinai and a border war against the PLO in Jordan, culminating in the Battle of Karameh. The surprise of the Yom Kippur War and its aftermath completely changed the IDF's procedures and approach to warfare. Organizational changes were made[by whom?] and more time was dedicated to training for conventional warfare. However, in the following years the army's role slowly shifted again to low-intensity conflict, urban warfare and counter-terrorism. It was involved in the Lebanese Civil War, initiating Operation Litani and later the 1982 Lebanon War, where the IDF ousted Palestinian guerilla organizations from Lebanon. Palestinian militancy has been the main focus of the IDF ever since, especially during the First and Second Intifadas, Operation Defensive Shield and the Gaza War, causing the IDF to change many of its values and publish the IDF Spirit. The Shia organization Hezbollah has also been a growing threat, against which the IDF fought a full-scale war in 2006. [edit] Etymology The Israeli cabinet ratified the name "Israel Defense Forces" (Hebrew: צְבָא הַהֲגָנָה לְיִשְׂרָאֵל, Tzva HaHagana LeYisra'el, literally "The Defense Army for Israel") on May 26, 1948, the day that the order for the army's founding was published by David Ben-Gurion. The main suggested alternative was Israeli Army/Army of Israel (Hebrew: צְבָא יִשְׂרָאֵל, Tzva Yisra'el), while others included Jewish Army and Army of the State. The name was chosen for two reasons: because it emphasized that army's role was for defense only, and because it incorporated the name Haganah, the paramilitary organization it was based on.[7] At least three people claim to have coined the name. The Defense Ministry CEO at the time, David Izre'eli, wrote that he suggested it to Levi Eshkol, who forwarded the suggestion to the cabinet. The Chief of Staff Ya'akov Dori, while not claiming to have personally coined the name, said that it was prevalent among senior army personnel and therefore the only natural name. Ben-Gurion, the third claimant, is quoted as saying "I gave the name. The name was 'Israel Defense Forces'". Among the primary opponents of the name were Minister Haim-Moshe Shapira and the Hatzohar party, both suggesting the name Israeli Army.[7] [edit] OrganizationAll branches of the IDF answer to a single General Staff. The Chief of the General Staff is the only serving officer having the rank of Lieutenant General (Rav Aluf). He reports directly to the Defense Minister and indirectly to the Prime Minister of Israel and the cabinet. Chiefs of Staff are formally appointed by the cabinet, based on the Defense Minister's recommendation, for three years, but the government can vote to extend their service to four (and in rare occasions even five) years. The current chief of staff is Gabi Ashkenazi. He replaced Dan Halutz, who resigned from the IDF following the 2006 Lebanon War. [edit] StructureThe IDF includes the following bodies (those whose respective heads are members of the General Staff are in bold): 
[edit] Related bodiesThe following bodies work closely with the IDF, but do not (or only partially) belong to its formal structure.
[edit] Ranks and insignia[edit] RanksMain article: Israel Defense Forces ranks Unlike most world armies, the IDF uses the same rank names in all corps, including the air force and navy. All enlisted ranks, as well as some of the officer and NCO ranks, may be given as a result of time spent in service, and not for accomplishment or merit. From the formation of the IDF until the late 1980s, sergeant major was a particularly important warrant officer rank, in line with usage in other armies. However, in the 1980s and 1990s the proliferating ranks of sergeant major became devalued, and now all professional NCO ranks are a variation on sergeant major (rav samal) with the exception of rav nagad. All translations here are the official translations of the IDF's website.[8] Conscripts (Hogrim) (Conscript ranks may be gained purely on time served)
Warrant Officers (Nagadim) (All volunteers)
Academic officers (Ktzinim Akadema'im)
Officers (Ktzinim)
[edit] InsigniaMain article: Israel Defense Forces insignia IDF soldiers have three types of insignia (other than rank insignia) which identify their corps, specific unit, and position. A pin attached to the beret identifies a soldier's corps. Soldiers serving in staffs above corps level are often identified by the General Corps pin, despite not officially belonging to it, or the pin of a related corps. New recruits undergoing basic training (tironut) do not have this pin. Beret colors are also often indicative of the soldier's corps, although most non-combat corps do not have their own beret, and sometimes wear the color of the corps to which the base they're stationed in belongs. Individual units are identified by a shoulder tag attached to the shoulder strap. Most units in the IDF have their own tags, although those that do not generally use tags identical to their command's tag (corps, directorate, or regional command). While one cannot always identify the position/job of a soldier, two optional factors help make this identification: an aiguillette attached to the left shoulder strap and shirt pocket, and a pin indicating the soldier's work type (usually given by a professional course). Other pins may indicate the corps or additional courses taken. Finally, an optional battle pin indicates a war that a soldier has fought in. [edit] BudgetDuring 1950-66, Israel spent an average of 9% of its GDP on defense. Defense expenditures increased dramatically after both the 1967 and 1973 wars. They reached a high of about 24% of GDP in the 1980s, but have since come back down to about 9%,[9] about $15 billion, following the signing of peace agreements with Jordan and Egypt. In 2008, Israel spent $16.2 billion on its armed forces, making it the country with the biggest ratio of defense spending to GDP and as a percentage of the budget of all developed countries.($2,300 per person).[10][11] On 30 September 2009 Defense Minister Ehud Barak, Finance Minister Yuval Steinitz and Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu endorsed an additional NIS 1.5 billion for the defense budget to help Israel address problems regarding Iran. The budget changes came two months after Israel had approved its current two-year budget. The defense budget in 2009 stands at NIS 48.6 billion and NIS 53.2 billion for 2010 - the highest amount in Israel's history. The figure constitutes 6.3% of expected gross domestic product and 15.1% of the overall budget, even before the planned NIS 1.5 billion addition.[11] [edit] Service[edit] Regular service National military service is mandatory for any non-Arab Israeli citizen (as well as for Druze men) over the age of 18, although other exceptions may be made on religious, physical or psychological grounds (see Profile 21).  Men serve three years in the IDF, while women serve two. The IDF allowed women who volunteer for several combat positions to serve for three years because combat soldiers must undergo a lengthy period of training. Women in other positions, such as programmers, who require lengthy training time, may also serve three years. Women in most combat positions are also required to serve in the reserve for several years after they leave regular service. [edit] Non-IDF serviceOther than the National Service (Sherut Leumi), IDF conscripts may serve in bodies other than the IDF in a number of ways. The combat option is Israel Border Police (Magav) service, part of the Israel Police. Some soldiers complete their IDF combat training and later undergo additional terror and Border Police training. These are assigned to Border Police units. The Border Police units fight side by side with the regular IDF combat units. They are also responsible for security in heavy urban areas such as Jerusalem. Non-combat services include the Mandatory Police Service (Shaham) program, where youth are instead serve in the police, Israel Prison Service, or other wings of the Israeli Security Forces. [edit] Reserve service After personnel complete their regular service, the IDF may call up men for:
In most cases, the reserve duty is carried out in the same unit for years, in many cases the same unit as the active service and by the same people. Many soldiers who have served together in active service continue to meet in reserve duty for years after their discharge, causing reserve duty to become a strong male bonding experience in Israeli society. Although still available for call-up in times of crisis, most Israeli men, and virtually all women, do not actually perform reserve service in any given year. Units do not always call up all of their reservists every year, and a variety of exemptions are available if called for regular reserve service. Virtually no exemptions exist for reservists called up in a time of crisis, but experience has shown that in such cases (most recently, the 2006 Lebanon War) exemptions are rarely requested or exercised; units generally achieve recruitment rates above those considered fully-manned. Legislation (set to take effect by 13 March 2008) has proposed reform in the reserve service, lowering the maximum service age to 40, designating it as a purely emergency force, as well as many other changes to the structure (although the Defence Minister can suspend any portion of it at any time for security reasons). The age threshold for many reservists whose positions are not listed, though, will be fixed at 49. [edit] Women Uniquely among nations, Israel conscripts women and assigns some drafted women to infantry combatant service which places them directly in the line of enemy fire.[12]. However, approximately one third of female conscripts (more than double the figure for men) are exempted, mainly for religious and nuptial reasons. Following their active service, women, like men, have in theory to serve up to one month annually in reserve duty. However, in practice only some women in combat roles get called for active reserve, and only for a few years following their active service, with many exit points (e.g., pregnancy).[citation needed] Apart from during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, when manpower shortages saw many of them taking active part in battles on the ground, women were historically barred from battle in the IDF, serving in a variety of technical and administrative support roles. IDF commanders have historically considered the practice of assigning women to combatant duties to be immoral due to the heightened danger of sexual assault that female soldiers would face if captured by the enemy:
During this period the IDF utilized female instructors for training male soldiers in certain roles, particularly tank crews. After a landmark 1994 appeal by Alice Miller, a Jewish immigrant from South Africa, the israeli High Court instructed the Israeli Air Force to open its pilots course to women. Miller failed the entrance exams, but since her initiative, many additional combat roles were opened for women.[14] As of 2005, women are allowed to serve in 83% of all positions in the military, including Shipboard Navy Service (except submarines), and Artillery. Combat roles are voluntary for women. As of 2002, 33% of lower-rank officers are women, 21% of Captains and Majors, and 3% of the most senior ranks.[citation needed]  Women primarily serve in the border patrol of the Israel Defense Force. Yael Rom, the first female pilot in the Israeli Air Force, earned her wings in 1951.[15] The first female jet fighter pilot, Roni Zuckerman, received her wings in 2001.[15] In November 2007 the Air Force appointed its first woman deputy squadron commander.[16] Women serve in combat support and light combat roles in the Artillery Corps, infantry units and armored divisions. A few platoons, named Karakal, were formed[by whom?], in which men and women serve together as light infantry on the borders with Egypt and Jordan. Karakal became a battalion in 2004.[14] The IDF abolished its "Women's Corps" command in 2001, believing that it had become an anachronism and a stumbling block towards integration of women in the army as regular soldiers with no special status. However, after pressures from feminist lobbies, the Chief of Staff was persuaded to keep an "adviser for women's affairs". Female soldiers now fall under the authority of individual units based on jobs and not on gender. The 2006 Lebanon War was the first time since 1948 that women were involved in field operations alongside men. Airborne helicopter engineer Sergeant-Major (res.) Keren Tendler became the first female combat soldier to be killed in action.[14] [edit] Minorities in the IDFSee also: Unit of the Minorities Druze and Circassian men are subject to mandatory conscription to the IDF just like Israeli Jews[17]. Originally, they served in the framework of a special unit called "The Minorities' Unit", which still exists today, in the form of the Herev ("Sword") independent battalion. However, since the 1980s Druze soldiers have increasingly protested this practice, which they considered a means of segregating them and denying them access to elite units. The army has increasingly admitted Druze soldiers to regular combat units and promoted them to higher ranks from which they had been previously excluded. In recent years, several Druze officers have reached ranks as high as Major General and many have received commendations for distinguished service. It is important to note that, proportionally to their numbers, the Druze people achieve much higher—documented—levels in the Israeli army than other soldiers. Nevertheless, some Druze still charge that discrimination continues, such as exclusion from the Air Force, although the official low security classification for Druze has been abolished for some time. The first Druze aircraft navigator completed his training course in 2005; his identity is protected as with all air force pilots. After the battle of Ramat Yohanan during the 1948 Arab-Israeli War, approximately 1000 Syrian Druze soldiers and officers deserted and joined Israel.[citation needed] Since the late 1970s the Druze Initiative Committee centered at the village of Beit Jan and linked to the Israeli Communist Party has campaigned to abolish Druze conscription. Conscription is a tradition among some of the Druze population, with most opposition in Druze communities of the Golan Heights; 83 percent of Druze boys serve in the army, according to the IDF's statistics.[18] By law, all Israeli citizens are subject to conscription. The Defense Minister has complete discretion to grant exemption to individual citizens or classes of citizens. A long-standing policy dating to Israel's early years extends an exemption to all other Israeli minorities (most notably Israeli Arabs). However, there is a long-standing government policy of encouraging Bedouins to volunteer and of offering them various inducements, and in some impoverished Bedouin communities a military career seems one of the few means of (relative) social mobility available. Also, Muslims and Christians are accepted as volunteers, even at an age greater than 18.[19]  From among non-Bedouin Arab citizens, the number of volunteers for military service—some Christian Arabs and even a few Muslim Arabs—is minute, and the government makes no special effort to increase it. Six Israeli Arabs have received orders of distinction as a result of their military service; of them the most famous is a Bedouin officer, Lieutenant Colonel Abd el-Majid Hidr (also known as Amos Yarkoni), who received the Order of Distinction. Recently, a Bedouin officer was promoted to the rank of Colonel.[citation needed] Until the second term of Yitzhak Rabin as Prime Minister (1992-1995), social benefits given to families in which at least one member (including a grandfather, uncle or cousin) had served at some time in the armed forces were significantly higher than to "non-military" families, which was considered a means of blatant discrimination between Jews and Arabs. Rabin had led the abolition of the measure, in the teeth of strong opposition from the Right. At present, the only official advantage from military service is the attaining of security clearance and serving in some types of government positions (in most cases, security-related), as well as some indirect benefits. In practice, however, a large number of Israeli employers placing "wanted" ads include the requirement "after military service" even when the job is in no way security-related, which is considered as a euphemism for "no Arab/Haredim need apply". The test of former military service is also frequently applied in admittance to various newly-founded communities, effectively barring Arabs from living there. Also, the Israeli national airline El Al hires only pilots who had served in the Air Force, which in practice excludes Arabs from the job. On the other hand, non-Arab Israelis argue that the mandatory three-year (two years for women) military service puts them at a disadvantage, as they effectively lose three years of their life through their service in the IDF, while the Arab Israelis can start right into their jobs after school, or study at a university. In fact, the most frequently heard argument whenever the subject of the discrimination of Arabs comes up—whether on the Knesset floor, in the media or among ordinary citizens—is that the Arabs' "non fulfillment of military duty" justifies their exclusion from some or all the benefits of citizenship. The late former general Rafael Eitan, when he went into politics in the 1980s, proposed that the right to vote be linked to military service. The idea occasionally crops up again among right-wing groups and parties. According to the 2004 U.S. State Department Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for Israel and the occupied territories, "Israeli Arabs were not required to perform mandatory military service and, in practice, only a small percentage of Israeli Arabs served in the military. Those who did not serve in the army had less access than other citizens to social and economic benefits for which military service was a prerequisite or an advantage, such as housing, new-household subsidies, and employment, especially government or security-related industrial employment. Regarding the latter, for security reasons, Israeli Arabs generally were restricted from working in companies with defense contracts or in security-related fields." In recent years[when?], there have been several initiatives to enable Israeli Arabs to volunteer for civilian National Service instead of to the IDF, completion of which would grant the same privileges as those granted to IDF veterans. However, this plan has gained strong resistance from Arab members of the parliament, and as a result, has not been implemented. [edit] HomosexualsSince 1993, homosexuals serve openly in the military, including special units, without any discrimination. This happened after a reserves officer testified before the Knesset that he had been barred[by whom?] from researching sensitive topics, and his rank had been revoked, because of his sexual orientation.[20] [edit] Haredim Men in the Haredi community may choose to defer service while enrolled in yeshivot (see Tal committee), a practice that has given rise to tension between the Israeli religious and secular communities. While options exist for Haredim to serve in the IDF in an atmosphere conducive to their religious convictions, most Haredim do not choose to serve in the IDF. The Haredi public has the option of serving in the 97th "Netzah Yehuda" Infantry Battalion. This unit is a standard IDF infantry battalion focused on the Jenin region. To allow Haredi soldiers to serve, the Netzah Yehuda bases follow the highest standards of Jewish dietary laws and the only women permitted on these bases are wives of soldiers and officers. Additionally, some Haredim serve in the IDF via the Hesder system of a 5 year program which includes 1 year of religious studies, 2 years of military service and 2 years of religious studies during which the soldiers can be recalled to active duty immediately. [edit] Overseas volunteersForeigners typically serve with the IDF in one of three ways:
[edit] Weapons and equipmentMain article: Military equipment of Israel
[edit] Military technologyThe IDF possesses top-of-the-line weapons and computer systems used and recognized worldwide. Some gear comes from the US (with some equipment modified for IDF use) such as the M4A1 assault rifle, the SR-25 7.62 mm semi-automatic sniper rifle, the F-15 Eagle and F-16 Fighting Falcon, and the AH-64D Apache and AH-1W Super Cobra attack helicopters. Israel also has developed its own independent weapons industry, which has developed weapons and vehicles such as the Merkava battle tank series, the Kfir fighter aircraft, and various small arms such as the Galil and Tavor assault rifles, and the Uzi submachine gun. The IDF also has several large internal research and development departments, and it purchases many technologies produced by the Israeli security industries including IAI, IMI, Elbit, El-Op, Rafael, Soltam, and dozens of smaller firms. Many of these developments have been battle-tested in Israel's numerous military engagements, making the relationship mutually beneficial, the IDF getting tailor-made solutions and the industries a very high repute[citation needed]. In response to the price overruns on the US Littoral Combat Ship program, Israel is considering producing their own warships, which would take a decade[21] and depend on diverting US financing to the project.[22] [edit] Main developmentsIsrael's military technology is most famous for its firearms, armored fighting vehicles (tanks, tank-converted armored personnel carriers (APCs), armoured bulldozers, etc.), unmanned aerial vehicles, and rocketry (missiles and rockets). Israel also has manufactured aircraft including the Kfir (reserve), IAI Lavi (canceled), and the IAI Phalcon Airborne early warning System, and naval systems (patrol and missile ships). Much of the IDF's electronic systems (intelligence, communication, command and control, navigation etc.) are Israeli-developed, including many systems installed on foreign platforms (esp. aircraft, tanks and submarines), as are many of its precision-guided munitions. Israel is the only country in the world with an operational anti-ballistic missile defense system on the national level - the Arrow system, jointly funded and produced by Israel and the United States. Israel has also worked with the US on development of a tactical high energy laser system against medium range rockets (called Nautilus or THEL). Israel has the independent capability of launching reconnaissance satellites into orbit, a capability shared with Russia, the United States, the United Kingdom, France, South Korea, Italy, Germany, the People's Republic of China, India, Japan, Brazil and Ukraine. Israeli security industries developed both the satellites (Ofeq) and the launchers (Shavit). Israel is also said[by whom?] to have developed an indigenous nuclear capability, although no official details or acknowledgments have ever been publicized. On the issue of this nuclear weapons program, Israel chooses to follow a policy of deliberate ambiguity. From 2006 Israel deployed the Wolf Armoured Vehicle APC for use in urban warfare and to protect VIPs.
[edit] Doctrine[edit] MissionThe IDF mission is to "defend the existence, territorial integrity and sovereignty of the state of Israel. To protect the inhabitants of Israel and to combat all forms of terrorism which threaten the daily life."[23] [edit] Main DoctrineThe main doctrine consists of the following principles:[24] [edit] Basic Points
[edit] Prepare for Defense
[edit] Move to Counterattack
[edit] Low-intensity warfareOwing to the ongoing Israeli-Palestinian conflict, the IDF has adapted tactics for low intensity warfare - primarily directed against Palestinian militants operating from within densely-populated civilian territory.[citation needed] [edit] AssassinationsThe IDF employs a strategy of "focused foiling" (Hebrew: סיכול ממוקד, Sikul Memukad) of Palestinian terrorists, often referred to as "targeted killing" or "targeted assassination". The strategy aims at preventing future acts of terrorism by killing individuals known to have participated or assisted in acts such as suicide bombings. On December 14, 2006 the Israeli Supreme Court ruled that targeted killing is a legitimate form of self-defense against terrorists, and outlined several conditions for its use.[25] [edit] House demolitionsFurther information: House demolition in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and Rachel Corrie  Until the summer of 2005 the IDF used a strategy of demolishing the houses of family members of suicide bombers, originally claiming that this was a very effective prevention tactic: would-be bombers' families sometimes prevent the bomber, sometimes even going as far as informing to the IDF, in the hope of preventing their family-member's death as well as their house being demolished. Some would-be bombers even relented at the last moment, fearing their parent's home would be demolished. Critics, including human-rights organizations,[26] contend that effectiveness does not legitimize excessive force. During the recent conflict[which?][citation needed], the number of houses demolished increased significantly, both as the result of an increase in the number of suicide bombers, and of more lenient criteria for house demolition. As of 2009[update] the IDF routinely demolishes houses from which shots were fired at nearby traffic or settlements, houses harboring concealed smuggling tunnel entrances in the Gaza strip, and for other security reasons. House demolition can also occur in the course of fighting. After several IDF soldiers were killed early in the conflict while searching houses containing militants, the IDF started employing a tactic of surrounding such houses, calling on the occupants (civilian and militant) to exit, and demolishing the house on top of the militants that do not surrender. This tactic, called "Nohal Sir Lachatz" נוהל סיר לחץ "Pressure Pot", is now used whenever feasible (i.e., non multi-rise building that's separated from other houses). Palestinians claim several cases in which houses were demolished on top of incapacitated or deaf civilian occupants. The IDF claims that in the vast majority of cases the occupants were militants. In some heavy fighting incidents, especially in the 2002 Battle of Jenin and Operation Rainbow in Rafah 2004, heavily-armored IDF Caterpillar D9 bulldozers were used to demolish houses to widen alleyways or to secure locations for IDF troops. Palestinians and international organizations regard the use of bulldozers for purposes of demolishing civilian structures as illegal. In one well-known incident, International Solidarity Movement activist Rachel Corrie was killed when she stood in the path of a Caterpillar D9 armoured bulldozer in Rafah after being ordered several times by the IDF soldiers to exit the area of the demolition. By the summer of 2005, after the destruction of numerous houses, the Israeli army itself came to the conclusion that these demolitions had outgrown their usefulness and announced an end to this policy. [edit] Code of ConductIn 1992, the IDF drafted a Code of Conduct that combines international law, Israeli law, Jewish heritage and the IDF's own traditional ethical code—the IDF Spirit (Hebrew: רוח צה"ל, Ru'ah Tzahal).[27] [edit] Stated values of the IDFThe document defines three core values for all IDF soldiers to follow, as well as ten secondary values (the first being most important, and the others appearing sorted in Hebrew alphabetical order):[27]
[edit] Code of Conduct against militants and Palestinian civilians In 2004 a team of professors, commanders and former judges, led by the holder of the Ethics chair at Tel Aviv University, Professor Asa Kasher, developed a code of conduct which emphasizes the right behavior in low intensity warfare against terrorists, where soldiers must operate within a civilian population. Reserve units and regular units alike learn the following eleven rules of conduct, which are an addition to the more general IDF Spirit:
[edit] Controversies
The IDF has become embroiled in a number of controversies over its human rights record. Organisations such as Amnesty International, The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), Human Rights Watch and by a number of human rights organizations based in Israel like B'Tselem, Yesh Din, Shovrim Shtika have accused it of violating the Laws of War. [edit] Sinai PeninsulaMain articles: USS Liberty incident and Six-Day War#Alleged IDF killings of Egyptian prisoners of war Former members of the IDF have made several specific allegations of killings of prisoners of war by members of the IDF with regard to incidents in the 1956 Sinai War and the 1967 Six-Day War.[28][29] On June 8, 1967, during the Six-Day War, IDF forces fired on a U.S. Navy intelligence ship, USS Liberty. IDF forces alleged that they mistook the Liberty for an Egyptian naval vessel because the Liberty was not in international waters. Whether the USS Liberty flew American flags remains in dispute. The attack resulted in the deaths of 34 U.S. servicemen and injuries to 174 others. [edit] LebanonMain article: Sabra and Shatila massacre A Knesset-appointed commission of inquiry has alleged that in September, 1982, IDF forces permitted Lebanese Phalangist troops to enter the Sabra and Shatilla refugee camps. The Phalangist troops then carried out a massacre of Palestinian civilians. Hundreds of thousands of Israelis demonstrated against the killings and the Knesset appointed commission of inquiry, presided over by Yitzhak Kahan. The commission found (p. 105 of its report) that Minister of Defense Ariel Sharon bore personal indirect responsibility.[30][31] [edit] Gaza Strip, West BankMain article: Incidents in the Gaza War Palestinian news agencies, the Palestinian Center for Human Rights, and some pro-Palestinian activists abroad,[32] call the IDF the "Israeli Occupation Forces" ("IOF") rather than "Israel Defense Forces." This attempt to reframe[33] discourse has been recommended by some Palestinian activists and rejected by others.[34] During the 2009 strike of Gaza Strip, it is alleged[by whom?] that the IDF dropped white phosphorus weapon above Palestinian citizens. The United Nations announced the start of an investigation to clarify these kinds of incidents.[35][36] In March 2009 the transcript of reports by some IDF soldiers of their time in Gaza to the military academy at Oranim College telling of orders to kill civilians and vandalising homes was published[by whom?] and widely reported. Some of the soldiers' testimonies tell of a high degree of intervention by military and non-military rabbis circulating propaganda depicting the operation in religious terms.[37][38][39][40] The IDF Military Advocate and the Military Police conducted a brief investigation into these claims, concluding that the testimonies were all hearsay.[41][42] Shortly after the 2009 Israel-Gaza conflict, Haaretz reported that several IDF soldiers had started ordering offensive T-shirts depicting such images as dead Palestinians, destroyed mosques and a pregnant Palestinian woman with a bull's-eye super-imposed on her belly, with the slogan, in English, "1 shot, 2 kills," An IDF spokesperson responded to the accusations, stating: "Military regulations do not apply to civilian clothing" and "the designs are printed at the soldiers' private initiative, and on civilian shirts." He further comments, "the examples raised by Haaretz are not in keeping with the values of the IDF spirit, not representative of IDF life, and are in poor taste." [43] The IDF has officially condemned the T-shirts as "unacceptable".[44] [edit] Alliances[edit] United StatesMain article: Israel-United States military relations In 1983, the United States and Israel established a Joint Political Military Group, which convenes twice a year. Both the U.S. and Israel participate in joint military planning and combined exercises, and have collaborated on military research and weapons development. Additionally the U.S. military maintains two classified, pre-positioned War Reserve Stocks in Israel valued at $493 million.[45] Israel has the official distinction of being an American Major non-NATO ally. As a result of this, the US and Israel share the vast majority[citation needed] of their security and military technology. Since 1976, Israel had been the largest annual recipient of U.S. foreign assistance. In 2004, Israel received $2.16 billion in Foreign Military Financing (FMF) grants from the Department of Defense.[46] This amount has increased in recent years due to non-military economic aid being shifted to military aid.[47] A large proportion of this military aid is for the purchase of American military equipment only. [edit] IndiaFurther information: India–Israel relations India and Israel enjoy strong military and strategic ties.[48] Some analysts[who?] have dubbed the alliance between India and Israel as the new "axis in the war on terror".[49] Apart from being Israel's second-largest economic partner in Asia,[50] India is also the largest customer of Israeli arms in the world.[51] In 2006, annual military sales between India and Israel stood at US$900 million.[52] Israeli defense firms had the largest exhibition at the 2009 Aero India show, during which Israel offered several state-of-the art weapons to India.[53] The first major military deal between the two countries was the sale of Israeli EL/M-2075 AEW radars to the Indian Air Force in 2004.[54] In March 2009, India and Israel signed a US$1.4 billion deal under which Israel would sell India an advanced air-defense system.[55] India and Israel have also embarked on extensive space cooperation. In 2008, India's ISRO launched Israel's most technologically-advanced spy satellite TecSAR.[56] In 2009, India reportedly developed a high-tech spy satellite RISAT-2 with significant assistance from Israel.[57] The satellite was successfully launched by India in April 2009.[58] Many analysts[who?] saw the 2008 Mumbai attacks as an attack on the growing India-Israel partnership.[59] In the past, India and Israel have held numerous joint anti-terror training exercises[60] and it was also reported that in the wake of the Mumbai attacks, Israel was helping India launch anti-terror raids inside Pakistani territory.[61] [edit] GermanyFurther information: Germany–Israel relations Germany supplies arms to Israel, including Dolphin submarines. The military co-operation has been discrete but mutually profitable: Israeli intelligence, for example, sent captured Warsaw Pact armour to West Germany to be analysed. The results aided the German development of an anti-tank system.[62] In 2008, it was revealed[by whom?] that Germany and Israel had been jointly developing a nuclear warning system, dubbed Operation Bluebird.[63] [edit] Gallery of the Israeli Defense Forces
[edit] See also
[edit] References and footnotes
[edit] Further reading
[edit] External links
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