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Chinese involvement in Africa began in ancient times, and has continued to the present in the exploration of, trade with, and settlement of Chinese people in Africa. This includes the ongoing move by the People's Republic of China to secure highly needed natural resources through Sino-African trade and diplomatic rapprochement. This is mainly done by diplomatic and economic moves. However, it is also done by military support, such as providing African countries with needed weapons. The quest for natural resources in Africa mainly targets key countries that are rich in natural resources (mainly oil, minerals, timber, and cotton), such as Sudan, Angola, Nigeria, and South Africa. Many African countries are viewed as fast-growing markets, and, as such, it is profitable to export cheap Chinese goods, followed by more expensive services and products. Large scale structural projects, accompanied by advantageous soft loans, are often proposed to African countries which are rich in resources. Infrastructural constructions, such as roads and railroads, dams, ports, and airports, are commonly funded by China. In this diplomatic and economic rush, Taiwan, the United States, France and the UK are the main competitors of China. France and the UK were once major commercial partners, but China recently became the 2nd largest trading partner in Africa, after the United States. Currently, China is working on expanding its influence in the region, while working to isolate Taiwan and to replace other great powers such as France, the UK and the United States. China continues to work to broaden its presence on diplomatic, cultural, and commercial fronts, while now working to secure its gains and stabilize the region for long term gains. [edit] People's Republic of ChinaUnder Deng Xiaoping, the People's Republic of China began pursuing market socialism, which means the ongoing acceptance of capitalist notions as the main principles for the PRC's socioeconomic development. Beginning in 1980, the PRC started a policy of rapid modernization, lifting hundreds of millions of Chinese peasants out of poverty, while developing its economy into an industrial based one. As of 2008, the PRC has the third largest nominal GDP (after the United States and Japan) at about $4.8 trillion, and the second largest by purchasing power parity (after the United States), at $8.5 trillion.[1] The PRC has a noticeable growing lack of raw materials, such as oil, wood, copper, and aluminum, all of which are needed to support its production of manufactured goods. [edit] AfricaAfrica has a population of roughly 922 million [2] and a surface of 30,221,532 km². Industrialization started marginally in the late 20th century in the colonies of the European nations, namely Portugal, Spain, Germany, France, Italy, and the United Kingdom. The wars for independences saw a disastrous division of Africa, which remains a key factor of the frequent wars that have shaken Africa in recent years. Africa, being a major source of raw materials, saw the colonial powers vie for influence among the newly independent nations, and former colonial powers established special relations with their former colonies, often by offering economic aid and alliances for access to the vast resources of their former colonies. The presence of diamonds, gold, silver, uranium, cobalt and large oil reserves has brought Africa onto the forefront of economic development, with many of the world's nations having economic relations with the majority of Africa's resource rich nations. As of 2008, the GDP of Africa is about $1.2 trillion.[1] [edit] Chinese diaspora and private projects[edit] Ancient times and cooliesThere are traces of Chinese activity in Africa as far back as the Tang Dynasty, with the presence of Chinese porcelain, which have been found along the coasts of Egypt in North Africa. Chinese coins, which date back to the 9th century[3], have been discovered in Kenya, Zanzibar, and Somalia. The Song Dynasty established maritime trade with East Africa (now Tanzania, Zimbabwe) in the mid 12th century. The Yuan Dynasty's Zhu Siben made the first known Chinese voyage to the Atlantic Ocean,[citation needed] while the Ming Dynasty's admiral Zheng He and his fleet of more than 300 ships made seven separate voyages to areas around the Indian Ocean, and certainly landed on the coast of Eastern Africa.[3] Chinese internal issues brought such large expeditions to an end, but trade continues to the present day. A new era of Chinese trade began in modern times. European colonization of Africa and the abolition of slavery in France caused major workforce shortages in European colonies. Europe looked for a way to fill the gap with low-cost workers from elsewhere, namely India and China. Beginning in the 1880s, tens of thousands of Chinese Coolies were sent overseas to work in the mines, railroads, and plantations of the colonial powers.[3] The exploitation of resources inland, such as copper mines, also led to the presence of relatively large, isolated Chinese populations in landlocked countries such Zambia. Jean Ping, the minister of Foreign Affairs of Gabon, who presided the UN Assembly, was born from an African mother and a Chinese father in Gabon, a country where almost no Chinese were present.[4] [edit] Post civil warSome Chinese fled the newly formed People's Republic of China after the 1949 Communist victory, eventually landing in Africa.[5] By the 1950s, Chinese communities in excess of 100,000 existed in South Africa, Madagascar, and Mauritius.[6] Very small Chinese communities of around 3000 were also present in tropical Africa.[citation needed] They became the cornerstone of the post-1980 growth in dealings between China and Africa. However, by that time, many were leading agriculture based lives, probably with little or no contact with China.[citation needed] [edit] Opening and WTO's ChinaWith Deng Xiaoping's reforms, 1980s China began moving toward a "mutually beneficial" economic policy, with international commerce being encouraged. China first looked for foreign investments in an attempt to expand their export oriented industry. This economic policy,with investments from the Chinese government, flooded the world's consumer market with Chinese goods. The African market was no exception.
China's rise in the world market led the Chinese diaspora in Africa to make contact with relatives in the homeland to satisfy the African demand for low-price consumers goods.[8] Chinese businessmen in Africa, with contacts in China, bring in skilled industrial engineers and technicians such as mechanics, electricians, carpenters, etc. to build African industry from the ground up[9] Statistics of Chinese presence in Africa are difficult to obtain, since both Chinese and African offices stay discreet on this issue.[10] Currently , African natural resources are being transported to China, which are funneled into the Chinese economic machine. In return, Chinese technicians and low-cost goods are brought into the African market. The 1995's official Go Global declaration and the 2001 Chinese entry into the WTO paved the way for private citizens in China to increasingly explore, import, and export in Sino-African markets. [edit] History of Sino-African relations[edit] First embassiesAncient Sino-African official contacts were not widespread. Most Chinese emissaries are believed to have stopped before ever reaching Europe or Africa, probably travelling as far as the far eastern provinces of the Roman and later Byzantine empires. However, some did reach Africa. Yuan Dynasty ambassadors, which was one of only two times when China was ruled by a foreign dynasty, this one the Mongols, traveled to Madagascar. Zhu Siben traveled along Africa's western coasts, drawing a more precise map of Africa's triangular shape. Between 1405 and 1433, the Ming government of Emperor Yongle sponsored a series of naval expeditions, with Zheng He as the leader. He was placed in control of a massive fleet of ships, which numbered as much as 300 treasure ships with at least 28,000 men.[11] Among the many places traveled, which included Arabia, India, Indonesia and Thailand, His fleet traveled to East Africa. On their return, the fleet brought back African leaders, as well as lions, rhinoceros', ostriches, giraffes, etc., to the great joy of the court.[3] Following Emperor Yongle's death, and the resurgence of Confucianism, which opposed frivolous external adventures, such expensive foreign policies were abandoned, and the costly fleet was destroyed.[3] Confucian officials preferred agriculture and authority over innovation, exploration, and trade. Their opinion was that Ming China had nothing to learn from overseas barbarians.[3] The modern Chinese version is that the European mercantilism in the Age of Discovery aggressively ended Sino-African relations.[3][12] This point of view enforces the rhetoric of the blood brother relations of China and Africa. [edit] 1949-1980 Following the 1949 communist victory in the Chinese civil war, the newly formed People's Republic of China actively began supporting the decolonization movements in Africa and the Pacific. This era is especially important in the "Sino-African friendship" movement, as both the PRC and many of the decolonized African nations shared the same "victim background", meaning they were both taken advantage of by imperialistic nations, Japan in China, and European nations in Africa.[13] A more skeptical view see that PRC was fighting against Taiwan and the United States to be worldly acknowledge as the "true China". This diplomatic battle was to fight in UN assembly, were all newly independent country will likely sit on Chinese side. At the 1955 Bandung conference, PRC was interested to lead this 'third world'. Zhou Enlai made an long African tour in 1963-1964, to strengthen Sino-African friendship. Hundreds Chinese medics were sent to Africa, and infrastructural projects were planed. The ex-diplomat and now professor in Foreign relation in Beijing, M. Xinghua talk of this era as the "golden age" of Sino-African relations.[14] More than this African strategy, the growing Sino-Soviet split of the 1950s and 1960s allowed PRC to get US support, and to come back on the international scene in 1971[13] : China (Taiwan)'s seat on the Security Council was expelled by General Assembly Resolution 2758, and replaced in all UN organs with the People's Republic of China government.  Indeed, with the 1960s USSR-Chinese ideological opposition, China started a specific diplomacy, some times supporting capitalist factions against USSR backed ones, like in Angola (UNITA) and South Africa (Apartheid).[14] Nevertheless, the amazing 1860 km long Tanzam railroad, on which 50.000 Chinese workers have work, is completed in 1976, illustrating the golden age of Sino-African relations,[13] and a growing number to African countries switched their recognition from ROC (Taiwan) to PRC. 1976 is also the death of Zhou Enlai, and the death of Mao Zedong, ending the "ideological golden age," and leaving the power to the pragmatic Deng Xiaoping. On his side, Philip Snow qualify this 1949-1980 period as a period of "continual attempt to sustain a rhetorical unity which has sometimes disguised the pursuit of profoundly different goals".[15] [edit] 1980-presentCommon rhetorical ideological diplomacy was drastically friezed by Deng Xiaoping's pragmatism, while China itself was slowly awakening from its endless, decades old hibernation. China, both boasted by 1980s internal reforms, Taiwanese and foreign investments, and own work force action started its amazing growth. Quickly, in the 1980s, China turn once more toward Africa, now looking at it more as both a the granary of need or key resources and a brother low-exigences market.[16] According to R. Marchal, 1989, and 1995 were two key dates in Sino-African relations. First, 1989's Tian'anmen crisis, and the following reactions of westerner country, condemning firmly Chinese government, taking economic sanctions in one hand, and of African diplomacies who kept silent on this embarrassing issue for their own harsh management of their respective African country, shown China that an Sino-African oligarchies pact was for both sides possible.[17] Even more important, this alliance was more and more need. Chinese growing industry made China clearly resources-hungry.[17] After what, on the world scene, human rights issues was suddenly, clearly, and conveniently for western powers, raising in the post-Cold War diplomatic scene, to the full benefit of western powers, and isolating more and more the rogues/pariah states.
In 1995, a simple sentence would change the game. Jiang Zemin, pursuing the reform and now confident in Chinese own forces announced to Chinese economic leaders : Go out (走出去 Zǒu chūqū), encouraging Chinese businessmen to conquest world markets[16] In late 1990s, Chinese bids were heavily supported by Chinese government, local embassies, and the government owned Eximbank providing need finances at low rates. This allowed Chinese enterprises to win many bids.[17] PRC officials qualifying the period as "sane adjustment" and "sane development of economic and commercial Sino-African relations".[17] As classic weapons on the diplomatic scene, Chinese and African diplomacies continue to use imagery of the past 'ideological period' : the common past of victims in the hands of 19th century westerners ; the common fight for autonomy and independence against westerners.[17] To what they now add the common fight toward progress in an unfair western-led economic world. But fact is that, in Africa, strongly government-backed Chinese companies are more likely successful than isolated western companies. International relations analyst Parag Khanna states that by cutting massive trade and investment deals with Latin America and Africa, China has established its presence as a superpower along with the European Union and the United States. China's rise is demonstrated by its ballooning share of trade in its gross domestic product. He believes that China's consultative style has allowed it to develop political and economic ties with many countries including those viewed as rogue states by western diplomacies.[18] [edit] Military supportThe Chinese military presence in Africa has increased since 1990, when China agreed to join UN peace-keeping responsibilities.[19]. In January 2005, 598 Chinese peace keepers were sent to Liberia. Others were sent to Western Sahara as part of Operation MINURSO,[20]，Sierra Leone，the Ivory Coast and the DRC[19]. This was a largely symbolic move, as China did not want to appear as a new colonialist power interfering in internal affairs. China has military alliances with 6 African states, 4 of which are major oil suppliers: Sudan, Algeria, Nigeria and Egypt.[19] Some specific support are enlightened by Westerner. The FUC Chad rebellion, based in Sudan and aiming to overthrow the pro-Taiwan ruler og Chad, Deby, seems to have received Chinese diplomatic support as well as light weapons and Sudanese oil. Sudan being pro-Chinese, Chad being pro-Taiwan, and since 2003, an oil producer, China has and interest in replacing Deby with a pro-China leader. The 2006 Chadian coup d'état attempt failed after French intervention, but Deby then switched his support to Beijing, the apparent defeat becoming a Chinese strategic victory.[19] On the strategic and political side, China's influence remains limited,[21] especially when compared with Western powers such France, whose involvement in the 2004 Ivory Coast conflict, and the 2006 Chad conflict has led to significant military consequences. China is unable to compete in providing military training and educational programs with the ex-colonial powers, given the latter’s continuing ties via military academies like Sandhurst in the UK and Saint Cyr in France.[21] [edit] Trade and Infrastructure[edit] General and Common goods trade
[edit] China and Africa trade
Chinese world trade has been growing fast the last decades. As of 1990, it was 116.8 billions US$, in 2000: 474.3 b.; in 2003, 851.2 b.; in 2005: 1422 b.; and in 2007: 2173.8 b. The size and importance of Africa for China is, actually, currently really low. In 2007, Sino-African trade have raise to share 3,38% of China $2173.8 billion trade, far after the EU ($356.2b. or 16.4%), USA ($302.1b. or 13.9%), and Japan ($236.0b., 10.9%).[27] Thus, Africa is just a dwarf for China, while China is African main promise, being its 2nd trade partner as of 2008, and expected to have overtaken the US (2006: $92 billion[28]), France, and UK as Africa's biggest trading partner by 2010.[29] Thanks to the decades old Chinese diaspora, economic dynamism of PRC embassies, China's low cost manufacturing industry, as well as experienced and "efficient export engine combined with an exchange rate held deliberately low",[21] Sino-African trade raise US$ 73 billions in 2007. [edit] Africa to China, and then the worldChina growing thirst for raw materials lead first African states owned enterprises to sell raw materials to China, such wood and minerals, such is the case for Gabonese forests. Later only China, by the end of the 90's, became interested in African oil. China's oil purchases have raise up oil prices, boosting government revenues of oil exporters like Angola, Gabon or Nigeria, while hurting all other oil importer African countries. But China's raw materials purchases have increase raw materials prices such copper, timber, nickel, which help many other countries.[21] With time and African law adapting to China thirst, laws were enforce to force local transformation of raw materials. This led to a new kind of manufactures in Africa, manage by Chinese, having African workers, and later exporting to Chineses, European, American and Japanese customers.[30] African elites now force increase of the share of raw materials transformed on place, in order to both add value to its exports, and to provide (manufacturing) job to local Africans.
[edit] China to AfricaTypically, the Chinese diaspora first reactivated its familial links in order to import to Africa low price daily goods such cups, forks, umbrella, etc. sold in Chinese's owned little shops.[30] Indeed, African society have a screaming need of goods, cheap one, in large quantities. China manufacturing industry is there really complementary of African markets, being all over producing, for low cost, often cheaper that what African starting manufactures can do, and for better quality.[30] Cheap Chinese clothes,[31] and cheap Chinese cars' half the price of western ones allow African customers to suddenly raise up their purchase power.[32] In Africa, China may sell its own low cost low quality overproduction,[20] which out put is also a key point for China own social stability. In Africa, Chinese diaspora is notable to use Chinese-built, Chinese-run store, and selling Chinese goods. China takes raw materials, but not its manufactured products,[33] while cheap Chinese imports flood the local marketplace, killing off local industry.[34] Noticeable case is the Chinese tsunami on African textile industry, hurting it badly, while textile industry is most of time the first manufacture industry of in development countries.[21] This case is not easy to solve. Consumers send large praises to Chinese textiles, often the first clothes they can afford to buy new. While local manufactures are badly attacked, raising opposition and concern over associated lost of local jobs. [edit] Africa as a growing marketAfrica is also seen by Chinese businessmen as 900 million potential customers fast-growing market,[20] and most important of all and in opposition of Western markets, African societies are far to market saturation. While Africa growth from 2000 to 2005 have been at an average of +4.7%/year, this going almost twice more to petroleum exporters (2005:+7.4%; 06:+6.7% ; 07:+9.1%), than to common petroleum importers countries (2005:+4.5%; 06:+4.8%; 07:+4.5%).[35] [edit] InfrastructureFor years, business in Africa was hampered by poor transport links between countries and regions.[36]. Chinese-African association is managing to end this unproductive situation. Several large scale projects may be enlighten :
The recent Sino-Angolan association is illustrative. When petroleum rich post called for investment and rebuilding, China advanced a $5 billion loan to be repaid in oil, sent Chinese technicians, fixing a large part of the electrical system, and leading a part of the building reconstruction. In the short term Angola will benefit from Chinese-built roads, hospitals, schools, hotels, football stadiums, shopping centers and telecommunications projects.[43][44] These agreement may eventually look costly, having mortgaged future oil production of a valuable, non-renewable resource to pay for reconstruction work, but Angola need this infrastructural buildings immediately, and that's what China is providing where no one else is willing to do so. Thus, Angola has become China's leading energy supplier but it.[44] China also plan to establish five special economic zones in Africa, zones where "the Chinese government will create the enabling environment into which Chinese companies can follow".[36] As summary, we can first notice that China provide infrastructural funds and work force in exchange of immediate preferential relations/prices and share in African resources. As secondary effect, this infrastructures allow Africa to increase its production and exports, improve the life and increase the needs of millions of Africans, who will become as many millions potential buyers of Chinese goods. [edit] Arms sellingAccording to Dr. Wilson, arms selling have probably been the least significant factor relative to other instruments of China's state craft. It is the case that Chinese arms show up across the continent from Liberia to Somalia. These seem to be mostly small arms sales to middle men arms dealers who in turn sell to Africans, both governments and rebels (lots in Liberia, for example). The available evidence suggests these are not major (especially relative to the U.S. which supplies about 50% of the world’s weapons) and hence the direct leverage of the Peoples Liberation Army or the civilian ministries is probably modest in African conflicts.[21]1 On an other side, it have been enlighten that the Chinese arms supply power of killing is underestimate, both because part of these weapons may come to Africa by uncounted indirect ways or arms-for-raw materials exchanges, and because some conveniently refer to values involves to say that Chinese sellings are low. The Stockholm International Peace Research Institute note that Chinese 2000-2004 unpublished arm export seems about US$ 1.4 billion, while US export run about 25.9 billions. Indeed, Chinese arms are basically low cost ones, sold in large quantities for relatively low costs. That's by example the cases for machetes, or low prices attack gun Type 56, a AK-47 like Chinese version, or QLZ87 grenade launcher.[19] All this have a far lower value that one single attack jet or helicopter sells by the USA, but it stay clear that several thousands machetes or attack guns may kill far more peoples. That is what happened in 1994's Rwanda genocide, with large quantities of "Made in China"'s machettes. Some, thus, noticed that those 'light weapons', when supplied in such large quantity, may become a kind of 'mass destruction weapon'.[19] In Liberia, from 2001 to 2003 and against UN weapon embargo, Chinese weapons were buy by Van Kouwenhoven, from Netherlands, to supply Charles Taylor's army, in exchange of woods.[45] Mugabe, in Zimbawe, bought weapons for US$ 240 millions, while Sudan received some civil helicopers and planes, later militarized on place.[19] The PLA was allowed to export weapons in the 80's, thus creating several exporting enterprise, the most notable being Norinco, Xingxing, Poly Group, selling weapons to notable rogue states such Sudan, Zimbawe, while Chinese weapons were used in Congo, Tanzania, Rwanda (grand lakes), Chad, Liberia.[19] To stay fair, it stay important to keep in my the relative effect of China compare to other powers. An illustrative example is gave by a 2005 UN arms destruction operation in Congo, which reported that 17% of them were Chinese made, while thus 83% come from other manufacturers.[19] [edit] Natural ResourcesMain article: China's energy security [edit] China's oilPRC China, thanks to soviet technology transfers until July 1960 and personal reserves such the Daqing oil field became oil sufficient in 1963.[46] Chinese ideology and US-led embargo isolated Chinese oil industry from 1950 to 1970, preventing them to evolve into a powerful world companies.[46] Chinese export peaked in 1985, with 30 Mt. But rapid post-reforms internal increase oil demand lead China to came into oil deficit, becoming net oil importer in 1993, and net crude importer in 1996,[46] a trend which is continuing quickly.[47] Indeed, Chinese reserves, such in the Tarim basin, are proved both difficult to extract, implying specific technologies, but also difficult to transport toward Chinese coast provinces, were are Chinese centres energy demand. Pipeline construction, associated cost, as well as and downstream facilities lag behind upstream demand progress.[48] China access on international oil markets have satisfied immediate thirst. But today, and despite its large coal based energy system, China is a key part of the vicious cycle which had led to oil price increase worldwide, to the disadvantage of all industrialized and oil importing countries, including China itself.[49] In 2006, China imported 47% of its total oil consumption (145 Mt of crude oil).[50][51] Thus, Chinese companies such Sinopec, CNPC, and CNOOC, are looking for African oil. [edit] African oilAfrica have produce about 10.7 Mbpd in 2005, which make a little more than the world leader, Russia, African production thus account for 12% only of the 84 Mbpd world production,[52] with about one half being produce in north Africa, which have preferential trade with Europe.[53] That's not amazing, but the chance for foreign powers is that this oil is almost not used in Africa, and China is now getting a part of it, by buying it or by other compensative deals, such constructions-for-oil. As of 2007 －thanks to good diplomatic relations and recent dynamism－ Africa provide 30% of China oil needs,[54] with Sudanese's oil account for 10 of these 30 points.[55] As of 2007, world rank of major sub-Sahara oil producer were 13th for Nigeria (2,352,000bpd), 16th for Angola (1,910,000bpd), 31st for Sudan (466,100bpd), making together most of the sub-Sahara oil. Guinea (33rd), Democratic Republic of Congo (38th), and the Chad (45th) also have notable oil out put.[52]
[edit] Major projectsChinese companies are new comers, and so recently increased their active worldwide. Specifically in Africa, notable cases are :
Similar or greater projects are taking place in Middle East and Latin America, one Sino-Iranian deal having an estimate value of US$ 70 billions.
[edit] Chinese progressChina is actually working to establish a long-term energy security. This is done by investment in oil and gas fields abroad, and by diversifying its providers.[57] The rapid expansion of the overseas activities of China's oil companies has been driven by the needs of both government and its National Oil Companies (NOC), formerly working into an uncommonly close partnership, to acquire overseas production of oil and gas.[61] Accordingly, they gained access to projects of strategic importance (Sudan, Nigeria) in the 90's, leaving less important opportunities to companies alone.[61]  Chinese actions in these areas have not always been successful: the 2006's agreement in Rwanda proved unproductive, while Guinean oil imply technologies not familiar to Chinese companies.[59] The conquest also stayed limited: all together, Chinese oil companies produce 257.000bd in Africa in 2005 -one third of the leader ExxonMobil alone-, and control just 2% of African oil reserves.[59] Moreover, this new arrival on the oil diplomacy scene is perturbing for old players. China has been attacked for its increasingly close relationship with rogue states, such Sudan, and Angola, know know for their human rights abuses, political censorship, and widespread corruption.[63] China's world image has suffered from these following critiques, leading her to move to a more diplomatic approach, avoiding in-crisis areas, such the Niger Delta.[59] But as a consumer country and newcomer[64], China does not really have much of a choice in choosing its source of supply.[65] [edit] Natural resources from Africa for Chinese industriesMain articles: Mineral industry of Africa and Resource curse As previously stated, Africa is the 2nd biggest continent, with 30 million Km² of land, which contains a large quantity of natural resources, which together with a low population density and a small manufacturing sector has made Africa a key source for Chinese imports. Some key facts are to notice about both African resources, and African recent productions. Africa mineral reserves ranks 1st or 2nd for bauxite, cobalt, diamonds, phosphate rocks, platinum-group metals (PGM), vermiculite, and zirconium.[66] Many other minerals are also present in quantity. The 2005's share of world production from African soil is such following : Bauxite 9%; Aluminum 5%; Chromite 44%; Cobalt 57%; Copper 5%; Gold 21%; Iron ore 4%; Steel 2%; Lead (Pb) 3%; Manganese ore 39%;[67] Zinc 2%; Cement 4%; natural Diamond 46%; Graphite 2%; Phosphate rock 31%; Coal 5%; Mineral fuels (including coal) & Petroleum 13%; Uranium 16%;[68] Platinum/Palladium: 62%[69].
Many African countries are highly and dangerously dependent of such exports. Mineral fuels (coal, petroleum) account for more than 90% of the export earnings for: Algeria, Equatorial Guinea, Libya, and Nigeria.[53] Various Minerals account for 80% for Botswana (led by, in order of value, diamond, copper, nickel, soda ash, and gold), Congo (Brazzaville) (petroleum), Congo (Kinshasa) (diamond, petroleum, cobalt, and copper), Gabon (petroleum and manganese), Guinea (bauxite, alumina, gold, and diamond), Sierra Leone (diamond), and Sudan (petroleum and gold). Minerals and mineral fuels accounted for more than 50% of the export earnings of Mali (gold), Mauritania (iron ore), Mozambique (aluminum), Namibia (diamond, uranium, gold, and zinc), and Zambia (copper and cobalt).[53] The Mineral industry's export make an important part of the African gross. Ongoing mining project of more than 1 billion US$ are taking place in : South Africa (PGM 69%;gold:31%), Guinea (bauxite & aliminum), Madagascar (nickel), Mozambique (coal), Congo (Kinshasa) and Zambia (cobalt & copper), Nigeria and Sudan (crude petroleum), Senegal (iron), etc. [edit] "Curse of natural resources" hypothesisIn the recent decades, studies and researchers have enlighten an link between natural resource abundance (particularly minerals) of a country, resources having an adverse consequences for economic growth, often link to poor growth performance, as well as poor governmental policies and institutions (corruption, weak governance, rent-seeking, plunder). This seems especially true for 'point source' minerals such mine, oil fields, which produce high value to few people, in opposition to agricultural diffuse development, implying large quantities of workers, forcing share of benefice[73]
Evidence have been provide that "an inverse statistical relationship between natural resource based exports (agriculture, minerals and fuels) and growth rates during the period 1970-1990. Almost without exception, the resource-abundant countries have stagnated in economic growth since the early 1970s, inspiring the term ‘curse of natural resources’. Empirical studies have shown that this curse is a reasonably solid fact” (Sachs & Warner, 2001, pp. 828, 837)[73] [edit] Management of African resourcesThe notion of a “curse” is misleading, actually, countries do have choice, development of natural resources sector is shaped by a host of government policies. Wright & Czelusta note 6 relevant policy issues: (1) the infrastructure of public knowledge (e.g., geological surveys); (2) engineering education; (3) systems of exploration concessions and property rights for mineral resources; (4) export and import controls; (5) supporting infrastructure (such as transportation); (6) targeted taxes or royalties.[74] Chinese investments provide a large help on the 5th point (infrastructure), other points are largely in African elites' hands, to develop this points, Africa may string technology, knowhow, and knowledge transfers to their foreign partners. [edit] African exports to ChinaIn 2005, exported African oil went at 35% to the EU, 32% to the USA, 10% to China, while 1% of African gas goes to Asia.[53] North African preferentially exporting its oil to western countries : EU 64%; US 18%; all others 18%.[53] 60% of African wood goes to China, where it is manufactured, and then sell across the world.[30] [edit] Underlying strategies[edit] Struggle against TaiwanSee also: One-China policy, Cross-strait relations, and Timeline of diplomatic relations of the Republic of China [edit] BackgroundThe Republic of China (Taiwan) is a diplomatic rival to the People's Republic of China. Following the Chinese Civil War, both claimed to be the legitimate representative 'China' on the world diplomatic scene. At that time, the USSR supported the PRC, while the United States backed ROC, which thus had the Chinese UN security council's seat and the resulting high visibility and veto power. In 1971, after a complex struggle, the Sino-Soviet split of the 1960s led the United States to offer the UN security council seat to PRC, thus excluding ROC-Taiwan from the diplomatic scene. Many countries followed the US move, ending recognition of ROC as legitimate China's representative, and switching their recognition to the PRC. The strengthening economy of Taiwan in the 1970s and 1980s allowed Taiwan to keep some strongholds across the world, which supported ROC's diplomatic claims into the UN. As the PRC grew wealthier, Taiwan was only able to keep some smaller supporters, mainly in the Pacific islands, Latin America, and Africa.
[edit] Involvement in AfricaSince the Republic of China lost its seat at the United Nation to the PRC in 1970s, it has struggled to receive international recognition. It makes large and costly contributions in Africa in an effort to keep some allies. The PRC, strengthened by its growing economic power, has made attempts to isolate Taiwan. In the 1990s, the political power-play between Taiwan and China often spurred investment's in Africa, with a number of large-scale projects.[32] Nowadays, the balance of power to 'buy' African friendship seems to be in favour of the PRC. Taiwanese investments in Africa are about US$ 500 million a year, while the Chinese Eximbank alone is talking about US$ 20 billion over 3 years.[75] Several Senegalese projects were funded by Taiwan in May 2005, as part of a 5 year plan including US$ 120 million. But soon after the bank transfer was completed, Senegal moved to support the PRC, and a 'development based on free market and fair bids'.[32] Abdoulaye Wade, the president of Senegal also wrote to the ROC's president : "Between countries, there is not friendship, just interests."[76] The last oil producer allied to Taiwan was Chad. But in April 2006, a PRC-Sudan backed coup d'état attempt got close to overthrowing the pro-Taiwanese leader, Idriss Deby. The effort was eventually stopped by the French military intervention. Deby first looked for Taiwanese loans to enhance its military strength. Taiwan was unable to provide the US$ 2 billion which had been requested, and Deby switched to recognising the PRC, thus weakening the coup by taking removing its main support (the PRC), and strengthening himself through a nowshifted PRC support.[77] Today, four countries in Africa recognize the Republic of China. [edit] Beijing consensusWesterners and Chinese have different approaches to the African resources market, needing development[clarification needed], and ways to support it. The Western approach is summarized under the Washington Consensus to which human rights have been an important factor, while Chinese approach is summarized under the Beijing Consensus. In decreasing order of importance, Beijing's approach can be shown in the following key points:
PRC offers trade with no strings attached, the Beijing consensus being: "If you are an African country and you have a raw material that China wants, then China will do business with you, no matter what the West thinks of your government or your human rights record."[29] Two countries in particular stand out as examples of where Beijing has intimate dealings, but where standards of good governance (by any criteria) are clearly not met: Angola and Sudan.[78] This claim of non-interference may later put China in a difficult situation, for example if an African state keeps Chinese built facilities, but cancels whatever agreements they were part of.
Throughout Africa, Chinese companies are occupied in building hospitals, dams, government offices and stadiums and refurbishing facilities abandoned by western companies.[79] Indeed, China's involvement focuses on building or rebuilding important infrastructure in Africa.[80] The objective is to improve African productivity. China's newly developed work force can provide large numbers of the necessary engineers, technicians, and specialized workers at low cost, a thing that Western countries can't do. This provides China with a comparative advantage over Westerners. These infrastructure projects are paid in African oil.
China has noticed that mutual respect is an important for its foreign relations, and so, China respects the domestic choices which its African partners make. This friendship and respect explains the non-interference policy. Other reasons may explain this respect. First, China's presence in Africa focuses on its own needs, and, as other countries did before, does not care about other things. Second, Chinese culture strongly encourages respect for both one's leaders and one's followers, underlining that respect improves relationships and leads to success. Lastly, Chinese culture sees each individual as responsible of its own fate. Thus, African quality of life is not its responsibility.
China also enlighten its own personal development history, first focusing on economic development, then planning civic development. "Democracy first" is not a universal model, and African countries may follow an other path: the Chinese one. Infrastructures first, then economic reform, after which, civic reforms may come. 
Overall, Wade's analysis states: "Contract which take 5 years to be sign with the World Bank take 3 months with Chinese authorities ; China who have fought its own battles to modernize has a much greater sense of the development need of Africa, and is more adapted to African business than westerners do."[32] China is simply closer in terms African history, needs, usages and costs, and so more competitive than the expensive, bureaucratic westerners. [edit] China EximBank and other Chinese banksThe Export-Import Bank of China (China Eximbank) is a government policy bank under the direct leadership of the State Council, acting in China and overseas as well. For its oversea actions, the EximBank have hundreds offices across the world, the three key overseas representative offices being in Paris, St. Petersburg, and Johannesburg (South Africa, for Africa).[81] It is a major force in Chinese foreign trade and economy system, which aim to dynamize import-export initiatives. The China Eximbank propose to overseas Chinese enterprises and allies complete set of financial products (low rate loans, agreements, association to skilled Chinese building companies) to build or rebuild local infrastructures, equipments, offshore stations, which are in both the scope of Chinese and Africa's interest.[81] The EximBank can provide loans for roads, railroads, electric and telecommunication systems, pipelines, hospital and various facilities. It is the sole lending bank for Chinese Government Concessional Loan entrusted by the Chinese Government. The bank officially aim to promoting the development of Chinese export-oriented economy, which de facto means to help provide China need raw materials, and ease selling of Chinese goods.[81] Thus, the EximBank help to invest and develop underdeveloped African countries allowing them to both produce and export more raw materials to Chinese industries, and to allow African societies to expand their own good markets.[81] In 2006, the EximBank alone pledged $20billions in development fund for 2007-2010, more than all western fundings. China is more competitive, less bureaucratic, and more adapted to African business.[32] Several other Chinese bank also provide African's governments and enterprises specific similar agreements. By example, a Chinese bank provide loans to develop the wood industry leader, in exchange to large part in this African enterprises stockshare, and leadership in its management. [edit] Chinese embassies' economic actionIn the economic progress of China in Africa, the Chinese diaspora and production is actively assisted by PRC embassadies. Michel and Beuret note that PRC embassies and local Chinese businessmen have frequent meetings and actively provide mutual assistances and informations. For Africans requesting PRC Visa for China, the embassy may request the local businessmen further information about this man, his wealth mainly. When confirmed wealthy, the African businessmen or rich consumer get quickly his Visa agreement. On the other side, Chinese government do "help by all possible means, providing informations, juridic councils, free of charge loans, and when we will go back to China, will sell us lands for cheaper price, for all the services provided to the Chinese nation in Africa."[82] PRC embassies are full-time actors of Chinese economic progress in Africa, using widely the numerous and well organized pioneers Chinese businessmen of the diaspora. Chinese government, well informed (by the diaspora) about the local situation, is himself backed by thousands skilled China's locate engineers and workers ready to leave China, as well as by experienced banks (i.e. EximBank) and large US$ reserves (2008: 1,400 billions[83]). The Chinese government is then ready to agree or not for large scale investments and projects, and if agreed, to lead them to their completion. [edit] Economic development[edit] African organizationsEffort have been made toward stronger economic integration in Africa. In 2002, the African Union was formally launched to accelerate socio-economic integration and promote peace, security, and stability on the continent.[35] The NEPAD, or New Partnership for Africa's Development was also create by pro-democracy African states, headed by South Africa. Ian Taylor, expert of Sino-African relations presenting it such as "NEPAD has succeeded in placing the question of Africa’s development on the international table and claims to be a political and economic program aimed at promoting democracy, stability, good governance, human rights and economic development on the continent. Despite its faults, NEPAD is at least Africa-owned and has a certain degree of buy-in." China relation to such economic move is complex, Taylor ending his presentation by "China’s oil diplomacy [is] threatens to reintroduce practices [such corruption, human rights abuses] that NEPAD (and the African Union for that matter) are ostensibly seeking to move away from —even though China protests that it fully supports NEPAD"[84] [edit] Sino-African ForumMain article: Forum on China-Africa Cooperation A Chinese-lead Forum on China-Africa Cooperation has been created, where Chinese and African partners meet every 3 years, both to strengthen friendships, to sign contracts, and to make important announcements. The forum also helps African leaders to become legitimacy in their own country. [edit] Chinese society and resources shortage hypothesisKey reasons of China interest on Africa are to be found in China itself. Chinese economy, industry, energy and society have a special shape. Chinese economy and industry turn toward export markets.[85] These industries and associated works and investment provide the Chinese society the recent two digit yearly economic growth, job chances, life standard improvement, but dramatically rely on coal (70%) and oil (25%) sources(for 2003),[86] as well as raw materials. Notable is the frequent electric shortages. A US Congress hearing noticed that Energy shortages have already led to rationing of the electric supply, slowing down manufacturing sector and consequently overall economic growth.[87] On other raw materials side, China simply does not have enough natural resources of its own to meet its growing industrial need.[29] Within the China economic success story, western scholars enlighten that China quest of wealth have one more lead coastal provinces to quickly enrich, while inner provinces or rural areas stay relatively poor, an inequity which thus lead to internal social tensions and instability.[88] Recent economic growth helped to stabilize the hot Chinese society : in time of economic growth, individuals look simply for personal life improvement. Millions of poor farmers and workers work hard and silently in hope of a better lives tomorrow, they want to buy TVs, computers, cellphones, cars, fridges. To keep them happy and stable, China have to stay largely supplied in raw materials - oil, copper, zinc, cobalt - from abroad.[29] Without these electricity and raw materails, without this economic growth, hundreds thousands hungry workers will let explode their rage, while millions Chinese will surely become grouchy and start to ask massive reforms, which may themselves threath current elites. As mirror consequences, China social stability and elites fate are closely relate to China economic growth, and so on energy and raw materials supply. Also, driven by this politico-economic desire to obtain sources of raw materials and energy for China’s continuing economic growth and open up new export markets, the natural solution offer to Chinese political and economic elites is Africa, the lost continent that all western powers gave up, with enough rogue states exclude by the international community to let PRC make its market for respectable prices. China is actively looking for African resources of every kind: oil, cobalt, copper, bauxite, uranium, aluminium, manganese, iron ore etc.[29][89] African resources feed China's industry hungry for minerals and electricity, fuels its economic boom, it thus keeps this country's consumers happy and quiet.[29] For the Communist Party, enough supply of minerals mean social stability. Like other power, China need to supply its industry in raw materials, and its citizen in goods to keep them happy.[29] Out of energy and raw materials shortage, analysts also notice that long term factors threatening China growth questions over its innovation capability, corruption and inefficiency, and environmental risks. [edit] Criticism
Many people,[who?] including human rights activists, economists, and historians agree that the drive of Chinese corporations to invest in Africa is tantamount to the racist colonization of the continent by whites in the late 19th century.[citation needed] The Chinese economy has an appetite for African resources - timber, iron ore, diamonds, copper oil, and other raw materials needed for China’s military-industrial complex.[citation needed](POV) Native Africans, after enduring a century of European colonization fear that their means of production and resources are now being taken over by the Chinese government and their industries. Concerns have also been raised over China's involvement in Darfur. Some have argued that China's overtures in Africa have been inspired by Francis Galton, the racist father of Eugenics who inspired Hitler[90]; the Chinese government have already sent nearly a million colonists[citation needed](POV) to Africa, and 300 million[citation needed] are on their way. As with Western involvement, forging close ties with local elites is a key factor.[80] These ties allow them to be ready went the best opportunities come, especially when one administration replaces another. The new leaders then "quickly launch a maximum of new projects [with state's money] to get personal commissions immediately, all this is decide in a short time, and we are ready".[91] In Angola, a country weakened by years of conflict, and now notable for its institutional corruption,[92] China has proposed low-cost loans (1.5%), to be paid back in oil.[93] One big advantage for the elite of Angola is that unlike other investors, China does not insist on transparent accounting or the assurance good governance.[94] This situation clearly causes trouble the long-term. As noted in a South African newspaper: ‘China’s no-strings-attached buy-in to major oil producers, such as Angola, will undermine efforts by Western governments to pressure them to open their oil books to public scrutiny.’[93] China sells arms in order to cement relationships with some African leaders. Sudan, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Burundi, Tanzania, and Zimbabwe are examples of countries which China sells arms to in shipments labeled as agricultural equipment. Because China doesn’t experience the same human rights concerns when dealing with Africa, it will sell military hardware and weapons to anyone. Chinese military advisors are assisting their African counterparts. [edit] Employment and Social concernsIn the Republic of Congo, Chinese contracts are said to be 30% cheaper than Western ones, allowing them to win the bids uch more easily. African workers, however complain of worsening conditions at work : Chinese firms hire them on a day-to-day basis, with lower wages than they receive from Westerner firms, are insulting, or even racist, with strict working conditions.[30] African businessmen have long complained of an increase in Chinese businesses, especially in Senegal.[citation needed] Some Angolans had complained that along with the shipment of machinery and cement, China also imports many of its own nationals to work on these reconstruction projects, leaving no employment for locals, and not allowing for co-operative working relations or the transfer of knowledge and skills.[95] Cases of human rights abuses have arisen from China-African co-operation. African workers have protested against ill-treatment and poor pay by Chinese companies, as well as the influx of Chinese workers who take away their jobs. In July, hundreds of African workers at a Chinese-owned Zambian mine rioted over low wages.[96] In wood the factories of Congo, Chineses work 12 hours a day, 6 days a week, maintaining machinery on Sundays,[30] showing high motivation. Such high activity is also expected from Africans workers, creating tensions. We have typically two kinds of Chinese firms organigrams :
Both create social tensions, economic conflict with local enteprises, lower employment prospects for African, and a apparent ethnic hierarchy within these firms[citation needed]. In Angola, like elsewhere in Africa, Chinese workers live separately from native Africans, especially in large scale work lead by Chinese enterprises, where specific 'Chinese camps' are specially-built leading to apparent linguistic and cultural difficulties between workers.[97] [edit] Harm to African industryOne issue is the affect of large amounts of Chinese goods on local light manufacturing, which are suffering from growing imports from China in many African nations, while the dominant and oligarch-backed extractive industries are largely benefiting from Chinese capital investment.[98] Chinese imports allow poorer consumers to buy their first refrigerator, T-shirt, suitcases, microwave ovens (all sold for low prices), but they also hurt nascent local industries in countries trying to end reliance on commodities. Chinese textile imports seems to have caused 80% of Nigerian factories to shut down, resulting in 250,000 workers losing their jobs.[99] In Zambia, trade minister M. Patel complains: "we [Zambian industries] are simply not competitive in the way we produce goods". In a post Cold War, WTO oriented Africa, consumer goods manufacturers never recovered from the first wave of Chinese products.[99] China is already effective in middle quality level production, with low labor costs and high productivity, where more basic African factories cannot compete, in productivity or in quality.[99] [edit] EnvironmentAfrican fishermen complain of Chinese industrialised fishing, coming as close as one nautical miles off the coast, depleting fish stocks, and interfering with villagers' fishing nets for whom fishing is the main income source.[30] Western pro-Forest NGO complains of Chinese specific disdain for environment.[30] [edit] CorruptionSome major projects get stopped, such as in Angola, where 2/3 of a US$4 billion CIF fund disappeared, it is unclear where this money went.[100][99] Following this, a major Chinese-backed oil refinery project was scrapped by Angolan officials, with unclear reasons, causing problems for Sino-Angolan relations. China may be learning the risks of sending money to Africa.[100] [edit] Control of resourcesTaylor notes that China's blind support of the African elite in a resource-abundant country may worsen the 'resource curses', by encouraging elites to tighten their control resources and damage other economic sectors. Such arrangements may be in the short term interest of Beijing, who often want to keep importing low cost raw materials from abroad, and manufacture them in China.[33] [edit] Fears of neocolonialism and responseAfricans are aware of past Western exploitation of Africa, resulting in few benefits for Africa. Some voice concerns about a possible neocolonialism. Criticism is also directed at apparently timid Western reactions which pay respect to liberalism, the WTO, and human rights concerns but continue to protect their own interests (cotton, agricultures), with little apparent development for Africa,[32] and ignore China's growing presence and Chinese goods flooding into African markets. Africans leaders such as Wade have identified infrastructure as the most important factor in Africa's development, which is what is being offered by China and not by the West. He also welcomes Chinese dynamism and efficiency.[32] Given current global growth, African leaders are looking to first build up infrastructure, but are also increasingly aware of and looking to strengthen native industries and economies. Following the past experience with western involvement and the current world dynamic and growing demand for raw materials, African states are attempting to mitigate a possible rerun of exploitation under the Chinese with efforts to encourage local, long term, development. Examples are:
[edit] Conclusion[15]
[edit] HistorySino-African relations date back to the first millennium, under the form of economic exchanges, ancient Chinese potteries having been found in north and east Africa. Private trade has continued, with some official missions sent in the 13th and 15th centuries. After the western colonial control over Africa and Chinese internal turmoil(1830-1949), Sino-African relations were 'restored' as a 'blood brother' relation, pro-independence, pro-third world, and mainly ideological (communism). Later key dates are the 1976 death of Mao Zedong, the Deng Xiaoping lead Chinese reforms, the 1989 Tian'anmen repression, the 2001 China WTO entry, as well as China's own manufacturing growth and raw materials need. All these encouraged China (PRC) and the decisive few Chinese diaspora members in Africa to increase Sino-Africa exchanges. More than a restoration of an old friendship, that's actually the almost empty record which helped a lot to start in good terms. [edit] China's underlying strategiesAs predictable, China interest and support for Africa is not without cost. Both sides proudly claim a new south-south mutually beneficial alliance. It seems, as now, that China effectively got its need raw materials (minerals, woods, etc.) and energic supply (oil) dramatically need to sustain its own boiling industrial and economic growth, which themselves guarantees manufacturing goods supply both on Chinese market and export oriented business. Thus keeping jobless rate low, life standards and home equipment improving, and eventually, social stability and politico-economic elites security. Africa is not, for sure, the key supplier of raw materials, but it does, for sure, make a difference : about 8% of the just-enough Chinese electricity is produce using African oil, while rare African minerals such cobalt are vital for electronic industry. China also isolate years after years Taiwan, its diplomatic archi-rival, while an important deeper point is that Chinese oil companies are getting in rogue or semi-rogue states a valuable experience, to prepare later larger bids on the far more competitive world market. China industry also recently found in Africa an interesting low-exigence and under-equipped market where to export its low cost goods. African leaders are softly confirmed in their places, getting legitimate in their authoritative rules, as well as legitimate by the on going economic last restart, both link to China new arrival and by recent raw material prices raising. In a such strong place, they work together with Chinese to provide Africa key structural infrastructure (roads, railways, ports, but also hydro electric dams and refineries), which are a first key tools to reverse the 'curse of natural resources' into an efficient exploitation and transformation/manufacturing in Africa itself.[73] [edit] Keys of China's successFormer Chinese diaspora have been later actively support by Chinese embassies, continuously enlighten the 'Blood Brother' relation of China and Africa as both victims of Western imperialism for decades, as well as by raising Chinese companies. The Blood brother rhetoric helped to set up from the start a good image.[98] China former need of international recognition and now in need of raw materials inwalked carefully and humblely toward Africa. It resulted into what is called the Beijing consensus. The Beijing consensus, or China's soft policy, being a strict respect of Africa sovereignty and internal issues, as well as interesting loans, assistance for reform and infrastructures, without political strings such democracy, transparency, human rights respects, attached.[98] Actually, to the Western Washington consensus proposing a western like development : democracy, transparency thus efficiency, liberalism and free concurrence, China add the almost opposite proposal of a China like development : enlighten authoritarianism, economic development first, elites/richs friendly evolution. Adaptation and speed (non bureaucracy) of Chinese assistances, loans, and projects proposals have also been praised,[32] while Chinese goods, projects, and workers low cost and courage are clearly complementary and more adapted to African markets and its larges needs.[98] [edit] Chinese model and African choicesMore than this present facts, nowadays China is also help by its own bright future. African countries signing with China today are signing with a futur world superpower. In Africa, this Chinese alliance provide amazing intellectual consequences. It provide economic hope, legitimate elites' hold on power, show African elites an example of success story which they may take as their own future. Harry Broadman notice that if Chinese investments in key sectors such as infrastructures, telecoms, manufactures, foods, textiles de facto transform radically the African continent, the main part is that it change African minds[104]: with key infrastructures, Africa have future. With the recent ~5% growth a year and economic improvement, more Africans students are returning to Africa after studies abroad, in Western countries or China as well, in order to get rich at home. Moreover, China 'non interference' and model of enlighten authoritarianism also give African leaders much more freedom and thus responsibilities, together with much more voluntary to work for immediate development. Voices come in Africa to notice that with China, Africa have a second (third?) chance to joint the international game, and should not repeated errors done with westerners. Facing China, African elites face a successful third world country, and have no more excuses. [edit] Play Chinese against WesternersEven more, the coming of a such new actor in Africa lead Westerners to review their own strategies, and to analyze Chinese action in Africa. These changes may provide Africa better investments (faster, more realistic), while some western strategic think tanks are now providing strategic analysis which may be helpful advices on how African elites may react to get more from Chinese investments. Such do Chris Alden's "Leveraging the Dragon: Towards 'An Africa That Can Say No'".[105] Indeed, it's clearly in the interest of Africa to play one side against the other, and to carefully avoid Chinese-Westerners alliances, already encouraged by some western scholars, and which may work together to decrease raw materials prices.[106] Legal solutions are in the hands of local African elites, who may, or not, decide to enforce them. Even if democracy, transparency are no more the sole model,[21] development is, for sure, what Africans want from their leaders. [edit] See also
[edit] References[edit] Footnotes
[edit] Endnotes^ Not use but may be interesting to check : Ian Taylor (2007, Apr. 5). China's Arms Sales in Africa : Beijing Reputation at Risk. ; Transarms.org ; Amnesty international, Report (2006, Jun.). People's Republic of China : Sustaining conflict and human rights abuses, the flow of arms accelerates. [edit] China in Africa (multi-issues papers)
[edit] Chinese trade in Africa
[edit] African oil and China's needs
[edit] Economy and trade
[edit] World oil and Chinese energy needs
[edit] Miscellanea
[edit] External links
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