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History of Tunisia
History of Tunisia
EARLY HISTORY OF TUNISIA
Early History
  Berber origins, culture, society
Punic Era
  Phoenicia, Carthage; Berbers, Romans
Roman Era
  Africa Province; Berbers; Vandals
MEDIEVAL HISTORY OF TUNISIA
Early Islamic Era
  Ifriqiya: Umayyad, Abassid, Fatimid
Medieval Era
  Berber states: Zirid, Almohad, Hafsid
Ottoman Era
  Beylerbey; Muradid, Husaynid; Reform
  French Era
  Protectorate; Independence movement
MODERN HISTORY OF TUNISIA
  Modern Era
  Republic: Bourghiba, Ben Ali

The History of early Islamic Tunisia opens with the arrival of the Arabs who brought their language and the religion of Islam, and its calendar.[1] The Arab conquest followed strategy derived from the long-term conflict between Umayyad Caliphate and Byzantine Empire. The Berbers eventually converted to Islam; they apparently saw many similarities between themselves and the Arabs, including a cognate culture and familiarity with a pastorial way of life. The first local Islamic ruling house, the Aghlabids, consisted primarily of rule by leading members of this Arab tribe. Fundamental elements of Islamic civilization were established. Although accepting Islam, many Berbers nonetheless resisted Arab rule, establishing the Rustamid kingdom following the Kharijite revolt. Next in Ifriqiya (Tunisia) arose the Shia Fatimids, inspired by a few immigrants from the east yet consisting for the most part of Ifriqiya Berbers. The Fatimids later expanded their rule east, through conquest by Berber armies of Egypt, and founded a dynasty there which came to include Syria and the Hejaz.

Throughout its recorded history the physical features and environment of the land of Tunisia have remained fairly constant. Weather in the north is temperate, enjoying a Mediterranean climate, with mild rainy winters and hot dry summers, the terrain being wooded and fertile. The Medjerda river valley (Wadi Majardah, northeast of Tunis) is currently valuable farmland. Along the eastern coast the central plains enjoy a moderate climate, less rainfall but with heavy dew; these coastlands are currently used for orchards and grazing. Near the mountainous Algerian border rises Jebel ech Chambi, the highest point at 1544 meters. In the near south, an east-west belt of salt lakes cuts across the country. Further south lies the Sahara desert, including sand dunes of the Grand Erg Oriental.[2][3][4]

The Coat of Arms of the Republic of Tunisia

The present day Republic of Tunisia, al-Jumhuriyyah at-Tunisiyyah, has over ten million citizens, almost all of Arab-Berber descent. The Mediterranean Sea is to the north and east, Libya to the southeast, and Algeria to the west. Tunis is the capital; it is located near the ancient site of the city of Carthage.

Contents

[edit] Umayyad Caliphate in Ifriqiya

Byzantine Empire, 650 A.D., still with its Exarchate of Carthage, yet after its recent loss of Syria (634-636) and of Egypt (639-641) to the Arabs of Islam.

After the initial period of the four rightly-guided caliphs (632-661) following the passing of the Prophet Muhammad (570-632), the ruling family of the Umayyads took firm control of the new Muslim state. The Umayyad Caliphate (661-750) ruled from the city of Damascus; their first Caliph Mu'awiya (602-680, r.661-680) directed Muslim forces in their on-going contest with the Byzantine Empire. Under Mu'awiya the Caliphate could see how the foreign lands west of Egypt figured in the "geo-political" and military strategy of this struggle. Hence there began the decades-long undertaking resulting in the Umayyad conquest of North Africa.[5]

[edit] Islamic conquest

The Age of the early Caliphs      Prophet Mohammad, 622-632      Patriarchal Caliphate, 632-661      Umayyad Caliphate, 661-750

In 670 an Arab Muslim army under Uqba ibn Nafi, who had commanded an earlier incursion in 666, entered the region of Ifriqiya (Arabic for the prior Roman Province of Africa). Marching overland the Arabs by-passed Byzantine fortified positions along the Mediterranean coast. In the more arid south of Ifriqiya, the city of Kairouan [stronghold in Arabic] was established as their base, and the building of its famous Mosque begun. From 675 to 682 Dinar ibn Abu al-Muhadjir directed the Arab Muslim army.[6] In the late 670s, this Arab army defeated the Berber forces who constituted the main resistance. Apparently these Berbers were primarily composed of sedentary Christians from the Awreba tribe and perhaps the Sanhadja confederation; they were led by Kusaila, who was taken prisoner.[7][8]

In 682, Uqba ibn Nafi reassumed command. He defeated an alliance of Berber forces near Tahirt (Algeria), then proceeded westward in a long military triumph, eventually reaching the Atlantic coast, where he lamented that before him lay no more lands to conquer for Islam. Episodes from his campaigns became legend throughout the Maghrib. Yet Kusaila, the Berber leader held prisoner, escaped. Later Kusaila led a fresh Berber uprising, which interrupted the conquest and claimed the Arab leader's life. Kusaila then formed an enlarged Berber kingdom. Yet Zuhair b. Qais, the deputy of the fallen leader Uqba ibn Nafi, enlisted Zanata tribes from Cyrenaica to fight for the cause of Islam, and in 686 managed to overrun and terminate the kingdom newly formed by Kusaila.[9][10][11]

Mosque of Uqba, or the Great Mosque of Kairouan, commenced by Uqba ibn Nafi circa 670.

Under the Caliph 'Abd al-Malik (685-705), the Umayyad conquest of North Africa was to advance close to completion. In Egypt a new army of forty thousand was assembled, to be commanded by Hassan ibn al-Nu'man (known to Arabs as "the honest old man"). Meanwhile, the Byzantines had been reinforced. The Arab Muslim army crossed the Cyrene and Tripoli without opposition, then quickly attacked and captured Carthage.

The Berbers, however, continued to offer stiff resistance, then being led by a woman of the Jarawa tribe, whom the Muslims called the prophetess ["al-Kahina" in Arabic]; her actual name was approximately "Damiya".[12][13] On the river Nini, an alliance of Berbers under Damiya defeated the Muslim armies under al-Nu'man, who escaped returning to Cyrenaica. Thereupon, the Byzantines took advantage of the Berber victory by reoccupying Carthage. Unlike the Berber Kusaila ten years earlier, Damiya did not establish a larger state, evidently being content to rule merely her own tribe. Some commentators speculate that to Damiya the Arabs appeared interested in booty primarily, because she then commenced to ravage and disrupt the region, making it unattractive to raiders looking for spoils of war; of course, it also made her unpopular to the residents. Yet she did not attack the Muslim base at Kairouan. From Egypt the Caliph 'Abdul-Malik had reinforced al-Nu'man in 698, who then reentered Ifriqiya. Although she told her two sons to go over to the Arabs, she herself again gave battle. She lost; al-Nu'man won. It is said that at Bir al-Kahina [well of the prophetess] in the Auras, Damiya was killed.[14][15][16][17]

In 705 Hassan b. al-Nu'man stormed Carthage, overcame and sacked it, leaving it destroyed. A similar fate befell the city of Utica. Near the ruins of Carthage he founded Tunis as a naval base. Muslim ships began to dominate the Mediterranean coast; hence the Byzantines made their final withdrawal from al-Maghrib. Then al-Nu'man was replaced as Muslim military leader by Musa ibn Nusair, who substantially completed the conquest of al-Maghrib. He soon took the city of Tangier and appointed as its governor the Berber Tariq ibn Ziyad.[18]

[edit] Berber rôle

The Berber people, also known as the Amazigh, "converted en mass as tribes and assmilated juridically to the Arabs," writes Prof. Hodgson; he then comments that the Berbers were to play a rôle in the west parallel to that played by the Arabs elsewhere in Islam.[19] For centuries the Berbers had lived as semi-pastoralists in or near arid lands at the fringe of civilization, sustaining their isolated identity somewhat like the Arabs. "The Maghrib, islanded between Mediterranean and Sahara, was to the Berbers what Arabia... was to the Arabs."[20] Hodgson explains: although the Berbers enjoyed more rainfall than the Arabs, their higher mountains made their settlements likewise difficult to access; and though the Imperial cities were more proximous, those cities never incorporated the countryside with a network of market towns, but instead remained aloof from the indigenous rural Berbers.[21]

Masinissa, King of Numidia (circa 238-145)

A counter argument would be that the Berbers merely imitated the success of the Arab Muslims; the better historical choice would be more uniquely ethnic and authentic, i.e., to articulate their own inner character and fate.[22][23] Prof. Abdallah Laroui interprets the North African panorama as indicating that the Berbers did in fact carve out for themselves an independent rôle. "From the first century B.C. to the eighth century A.D. the will of the Berbers to be themselves is revealed by the continuity of their efforts to reconstitute the kingdoms of the Carthaginian period, and in this sense the movement was crowned with success."[24] By choosing to ally not with nearby Europe, familiar in memory by the Roman past,[25] but rather with the newcomers from distant Arabia, the Berbers knowingly decided their future and historical path. "Their hearts opened to the call of Islam because in it they saw a means of national liberation and territorial independence."[26]

Environmental and geographic parallels between Berber and Arab are notable, as Hodgeson adumbrates. In addition, the languages spoken by the semitic Arabs and by the Berbers[27] are both members of the same world language family, the Afro-Asiatic, although from two of its different branches.[28][29][30] Perhaps this linguistic kinship shares a further resonance, e.g., in mythic explantions, popular symbols, and religious preference,[31][32][33] in some vital fundamentals of psychology,[34][35] and in the media of culture and the context of tradition.[36]

Evidently, long before and after the Islamic conquest, there was some popular sense of a strong and long-standing cultural connection between the Berbers[37] and the Semites of the Levant, naturally with regard to Carthage[38][39] and in addition with regard to links yet more ancient and genetic.[40] These claims of a remote ancestral relationship perhaps facilitated the Berber demand for equal footing with the Arab invaders within the religion of Islam following the conquest.[41]

Berber castle near Aït Hsayn.

From Cyrenaica to al-Andalus, the somewhat-Arabized Berbers continuously remained in communication with each other throughout the following centuries. As a group their distinguishing features are easy to discern within Islam; e.g., while the ulama in the rest of Islam adopted for the most part either the Hanafi or the Shafi'i school of law, the Berbers in the west chose the Maliki madhhab, developing it in the course of time after their own fashion.[42][43]

[44] [45] [46]

Also inducing the Berbers to convert was the early lack of rigor in religious obligations, as well as the prospect of inclusion as warriors in the armies of conquest, with a corresponding share in booty and tribute. A few years later, in 711, the Berber Tariq ibn Ziyad would lead the Muslim invasion of the Visigothic Kingdom in Hispania. Additionally, many of the Arabs who came to settle in al-Maghrib were religious and political dissidents, often Kharijites who opposed the Umayyad rulers in Damascus and embraced egalitarian doctrines, both popular positions among the Berbers of North Africa.[47] Also, to locate its historical and religious context, the Arab conquest and Berber conversion to Islam followed a long period of polarization of society in the old province of Africa, in which the Donatist schism within Christianity proved instrumental, with the rural Berbers prominent in their dissent from the urban orthodoxy of the Roman church.[48] The Berbers were initially attracted to the Arabs because of their "proclivity for the desert and the steppes".[49][50]

After the conquest and following the popular conversion, Ifriqiya constituted a natural and proximous center for an Arab-Islamic regime in North Africa, the focus of culture and society. It was then the region with the most developed urban, commercial and agricultural infrastructure, essential for such a comprehensive project as Islam.

[edit] Aghlabid emirate under Abbasids

[edit] Establishment

During the years immediately preceding the fall of the Umayyad Caliphate of Damascus (661-750),[51] revolts arose among the Kharijite Berbers in Morocco which eventually disrupted the stability of the entire Maghrib (739-772).[52] The Kharijites failed to establish strong lasting institutions, yet the small Rustamid kingdom persisted (which controlled southern Ifriqiyah); also the impact of the Berber Kharijite revolt changed the political landscape. Direct rule from the East by the Caliphs over Ifriqiya became untenable, even following the rapid establishment of the new Abbasid Caliphate of Baghdad in 750. Also, after several generations a local Arab-speaking aristocracy emerged in Ifriqiya, which became resentful of the distant caliphate's interference in local matters.[53]

The Arab Muhallabids (771-793) negotiated with the 'Abbasids a wide discretion in the exercise of their governorship of Ifriqiya. One such governor was al-Aghlab ibn Salim (r. 765-767), a forefather of the Aghlabids. Decades later Muhallabid rule came undone. A minor rebellion in Tunis took a more ominous turn when it spread to Kairouan. The Caliph's governor was unable to restore order.

Ibrahim ibn al-Aghlab, a provincial leader (son of al-Aghlab ibn Salim), led a disciplined army; he did manage to reestablish stability in 797. Later he proposed to the 'Abbasid caliph Harun al-Rashid, that he be granted Ifriqiya (as the Arabs called the former Province of Africa) as a hereditary fief, with the title of amir; the caliph acquiesced in 800.[54][55] Thereafter, although the 'Abbasids caliphs received an annual tribute and their suzerainty was referenced in the khubta at Friday prayers,[56] their control was largely symbolic, e.g., in 864 the Caliph al-Mu'tasim "required" that a new wing be added to the Zaituna Mosque near Tunis.[57]

[edit] Political culture

Aghlabid Dynasty at its greatest extent, which also included Sicily & some of southern Italy.

From 800 to 909, Ibrahim ibn al-Aghlab (r.800-812) and his descendants, known as the Aghlabids, ruled in Ifriqiya, as well as in lands to the west (eastern Algeria) and lands to the east (Tripolitania). The Aghlabids were predominantly of an Arab tribe the Bani Tamim. At that time there were perhaps 100,000 Arabs living in Ifriqiya, but of course the Berbers constituted the majority.[58] The Aghlabid military forces were drawn from: (a) Arab immigrant warriors (those recently sent against the Kharajite revolts, and descendants of earlier Arab invasions), (b) Islamized and bilingual natives (Afariq) who were predominantly Berbers, and (c) black slave soldiers. It was on their black soldiery that the rulers often relied in crises.[59][60]

Despite the political peace and stability, followed by an economic expansion and prosperity, and despite a blossoming culture including grand construction projects, dissent was rife. Many in the Arabic-speaking elite developed an increasingly contrary attitude toward the Aghlabid regime, for several reasons.

First, in the army the Arab officer class was dissatisfied with the legitimacy of the regime (or used this as a pretext for disloyal ambition).[61] A general attitude of insubordination meant that internal quarreling within the military from time to time spilled over into public and violent struggles. Their latent hostility also surfaced when factions began making extortionist demands directly on the population. A dangerous revolt from within the Arab army (the jund) broke out near Tunis and lasted from 824 until 826. The Aghlabids retreated to the south and were saved only by enlisting the aid of Berbers of the Kharajite Jarid. Another revolt of 893 (said to be provoked by the cruelty of Ibrahim II Ibn Ahmad (r. 875-902), the ninth Aghlabid amir), was put down by the black soldiery.[62]

Second, the Muslim ulema looked with reproach on the ruling Aghlabids. Aggravation in religious circles arose primarily from the un-Islamic lifestyle of the rulers. Disregarding the strong religious sentiments held by the many in the emerging community, the Aghlabids often led lives of pleasure and, e.g., were seen drinking wine (against Islamic law). Another issue was Aghlabid taxation not sanctioned by the Maliki school of Islamic law. Other opponents criticized their contemptuous treatment of mawali Berbers who had embraced Islam. The Islamic doctrine of equality regardless of race was a cornerstone of the Sunni movement in the Maghrib, and also of the Maliki school of law as developed in Kairouan; these principles formed the core of the hostility of Ifriqiya toward rule by the Caliph from the East.[63]

Zitouna Great Mosque at Tunis.

As recompense, the Aghlabid rulers saw that mosques were constructed or augmented, e.g., at Tunis (the Zaituna [Olive Tree] Mosque, as well as its famous university, Ez-Zitouna); at Kairouan (Mosque of the Three Doors), and at Sfax. Also a well known ribat or fortified military monastery was built at Monastir, and at Susa (in 821 by Ziyadat Allah I); here Islamic warriors trained.[64]

In 831 Ziyadat Allah I (r. 817-838), son of the founder Ibrahim, launched an invasion of Sicily. Placed in command was Asad ibn al-Furat, the qadi or religious judge; the military adventure was termed a jihad.[65] This expedition proved successful; Palermo was made the capitol of the region captured. Later raids were made against the Italian peninsula; in 846 Rome was attacked and the Basilica of St. Peter sacked. In orchestrating the invasion of Sicily, the Aghlabid rulers had managed to unite two rebellious factions (the army and the clergy) in a common effort against outsiders.[66] Later Islamic rulers in Sicily severed connections with Ifriqiyah, and their own Sicilian Kalbid dynasty (948-1053) governed the Emirate.[67]

The invasion of Sicily had worked to stabilize the political order in Ifriqiya, which progressed in relative tranquility during its middle period. In its final decline, however, the dynasty self-destructed, in that its eleventh and last amir, Ziyadat Allah III (r. 902-909) (d. 916), due to insecurity stemming from his father's assassination, ordered his rival brothers and uncles executed. This occurred during the assaults made by the Fatimids against the Aghlabid domains.[68]

[edit] Institutions and society

In the Aghlabid government generally, the high positions were filled by "princes of the blood, whose loyalty could be relied on." The judicial post of Qadi of Kairouan was said to be given "only to outstanding personalities notable for their conscientiousness even more than their knowledge."[69] On the other hand, the administrative staffs were composed of dependent clients (mostly recent Arab and Persian immigrants), and the local bilingual Afariq (mostly Berber, and which included many Christians). The Islamic state in Ifriqiya paralleled in many respects the government structure formed in Abbasid Baghdad.[70] Aghlabid offices included the vizier [prime minister], the hajib [chamberlain], the sahib al-barid [master of posts and intelligence], and numerous kuttab [secretaries] (e.g., of taxation, of the mint, of the army, of correspondence). Leading Jews formed a small elite group. As in an earlier periods (e.g., under Byzantine rule), the majority of the population consisted of rural Berbers, distrusted now because of Kharajite or similar tendencies.[71]

Kairouan (or Qayrawan) had become the cultural center of not only of Ifriqiya but of the entire Maghrib. A type of volume then current, the tabaqat (concerned with the handling of documents), indirectly illuminates elite life in Aghlabid Ifriqiya. One such work was the Tabaqat 'ulama' Ifriqiya [Classes of Scholars of Ifriqiya] written by Abu al-'Arab.[72][73] Among the Sunni Muslim ulema, two learned professions then came to the fore: (a) the faqih (plural fuqaha) or the jurist; and (b) the 'ābid or the ascetics.

Maliki, Hanafi, Shafi'i, and Hanbali schools of law: their core areas.

The fuqaha congregated at Kairouan, then the legal center of al-Maghrib.[74] The more liberal Hanafi school of law at first predominated in Ifriqiyah, but soon a strict form of the Maliki school came to prevail, becoming in fact the only widespread madhhab, not only in Tunisia but throughout North Africa, a situation which continues (despite several interruptions) to be the norm today. The Maliki school was introduced to Ifriqiya by the jurist Asad ibn al-Furat (759-829), who nonetheless wavered between these two schools of law. The Mudawanna, written by his disciple Sahnun ('Abd al-Salam b. Sa'id) (776-854), provided a "vulgate of North-African Malikism" during the period in which this madhhab won the field against its rival, the Hanafi.[75] Abu Hanifa (700-767) (founder of the Hanafi school) drew out fiqh that was perhaps better suited to its origin in Baghdad, a sophisticatd imperial capital; Malik ibn Anas (716-795) initiated the school bearing his name in the smaller and more rural city of Medina.[76][77] By choosing the Maliki school, Ifriqiya obtained more discretion in defining its legal culture. The Maliki jurists were often at odds with the Aghlabids, e.g., over their personal immorality, and over issues of taxation regarding agriculture (i.e., of a fixed cash levy instead of a tithe in kind).[78] Also the Maliki fuqaha was understood to act more in the interests of the Berbers, i.e., for a local autonomy, by filtering out potential intrusions into Ifriqiya by Arab power and influence from the East.[79][80]

Foremost of the 'ābid scholars or ascetics was Buhlul b. Rashid (d. 799), who reputedly despised money and refused the post of grand judge; his fame spread throughout the Islamic world. By virtue of their piety and independence, the abid won social prestige and a voice in politics; some scholars would speak on behalf of the cities, criticizing the regime's finance and trade decisions.[81] Although substantially different, the status of the 'ābid relates somewhat to the much later, largely Berber figure of the Maghribi saint, the wali, who as keeper of baraka (spiritual charisma) became the object of veneration by religious believers, and whose tomb would be the destination of pilgrimage.[82][83][84]

Ifriqiya flourished under Aghlabid rule. Extensive improvements were made to the pre-existing water works in order to promote olive groves and other agriculture (oils and cereals were exported), to irrigate the royal gardens, and for livestock. Roman aqueducts to supply the towns with water were rebuilt under Abu Ibrahim Ahmad, the sixth amir. In the Kairouan region hundreds of basins were constructed to store water for the raising of horses.[85]

Desert oasis in the Ahaggar Mountains of the central Sahara.

Commercial trade resumed under the new Islamic regime, e.g., by sea, particularly to the east with the Egyptian port of Alexandria. Also, improved trade routes linked Ifriqiya with the continental interior, the Sahara and the Sudan, regions regularly incorporated into the Mediterranean commerce for the first time during this period. Evidently camels on a large scale had not been common to these regions until the fourth century, and it was not until several centuries later that their use in the Saharan trade became common.[86][87] Now this long-distance overland trade began in earnest. The desert city of Sijilmasa near the Atlas mountains in the far west [maghrib al-aqsa] served as one of the primary trading junctions and entrepôts, e.g., for salt and gold. Regarding Ifriqiya Wargla was the primary desert link to Gafsa and to Kairouan; also Ghadames, Ghat, and Tuat served as stops for the Saharan trade to Ifriqiya.[88]

A prosperous economy permitted a refined and luxurious court life and the construction of the new palace cities of al-'Abbasiya (809), and Raqada (877) for the residences of the ruling amir. The architecture was later imitated in Fez, Tlemcen, and Bougie. The location of these Aghlabid government centers was outside of Kairouan, which city was dominated by Muslim clerical institutions.

Ifriqiyah during the era under the Aghlabid Dynasty (799-909) for the most part continued its leading rôle in the Maghrib, due generally to its peace and stability, recognized cultural achievements, and material prosperity.[89][90][91]

[edit] Independent Berber Islam

[edit] Kharijite revolt

Kharijite revolt (739-772) at flood tide, precursor to the Rustamid state (776-909).

The origins of the Rustamid state can be traced to the Berber Kharijite (Ar: Khawarij) revolt (739-772) against the new Arab Sunni power that was being established across North Africa following the Islamic conquest. Originating in Mesopotamia, the Kharijite movement had begun in protest against the fourth caliph Ali, who consented to negotiate during a Muslim civil war (656-661) despite his superior army in the field; as a result some of his armed forces left the camp, hence the movement of the Khawarij ["those who go out"]. Originally puritan in outlook, being of the ummah of Islam for a believer indicated a perfection of the soul, yet sin constituted a schism, a split from other believers, the sinner becoming an apostate. The leader must be above reproach, yet could be non-Arab. Never attaining lasting success, but persisting in its struggles, the Kharijite movement remains today only in its Ibadi branch, with small minorities in isolated locales throughout the Muslim world. The Ibadis predominate in Oman.[92]

In the Maghrib the un-Islamic tax policies imposed on the Muslim Berbers by the new Arab Islamic regime (levying the kharaj [land tax] and the jizya [poll tax] meant only for infidels) provoked a widespread armed resistance, which came to be led by Kharijite Berbers.[93] The widespread struggle of this movement included victories, e.g., the "battle of the nobles" in 740. Later the Kharijites became divided and eventually were defeated after some decades. Arab historians remark that the 772 defeat of the Kharijite Berbers by an Abbasid army in battle near Tripoli was "the last of 375 battles" the Berbers had fought for their rights against armies from the East.[94] Yet the Kharijites persisted under the Rustamids. Even until today across North Africa they practice still, small island communities of this religious minority within Islam.

[edit] Rustamid kingdom

A Kharijite remnant established a state (776-909) under the Rustamids, whose capital was at Tahert (located in the mountains southwest of modern Algiers).[95] Apart from the lands surrounding Tahert, Rustamid territory consisted of largely the upland steppe or "pre-Sahara" that forms the frontier between the better watered coastal regions of the Maghrib and the arid Sahara desert. As such, its territory extended in a narrow climatic strip eastward as far as Tripolitania and Jebel Nefusa (modern Libya), including southern Ifriqiya by the chotts (salt lakes) and the island of Djerba.[96] The functionality of this elongated geography may be explained by the liberal nature of the Rustamid government: "[T]he imam did not so much rule or govern the surrounding tribes as preside over them, his authority being recognized rather than imposed and his mediation in disputes willingly sought."[97] As such this Rustamids territory ran from Tlemcen in the west to Jebel Nefusa in the east.

The peoples of this climatic zone of the pre-Sahara began to be called the Arzuges in the 3rd century by the Roman legio III Augusta of Africa province. The Roman military authorities insulated Arzugitana from rule by the coastal cities. The fall of Rome "offered unprecedented opportunites for the communities of the pre-Sahara zone and their political elites, and may be seen as a period of renaissance in the region, at least in the political sphere." The Arzuges managed to recover their autonomy.

"Subsequently neither the Vandal monarchy nor the East Roman exarchate appear to have re-established direct rule over the Tripolitanian hinterland. Instead the communities of the pre-desert wadis and Jebel ranges may have been absorbed in a larger tribal confederation variously labeled the Laguatan, Levathae or, in the Arabic sources, the Lawata.

"The existence of labels such as Gaetuli and Arzuges thus reflects a longstanding and distinct sense of identity amongst the inhabitants of the pre-Saharan zone, which probably underwent a revival in late Antiquity. The support for the Ibadi movement shown by the communities of the Jebel Nefusa and the Jerid oases in the heart of the former Arzugitana suggests that this regional sense of identity and consequent desire for autonomy were maintained into the early medieval period and acquired a new emblematic marker in the adoption of the Ibadi faith. Indeed Savage suggests that many of the 'tribal' groups which figure in the sources in this period, notably the Nefusa, may represent alliances of disparate communities which coalesced at this very time in responce to the catalyst provided by the egalitatian Ibadi message and were retrospectively legitimized with a genealogical tribal framework."[98]

As a neighboring state unable to dislodge it, the Aghlabid emirate in Ifriqiya was soon obliged to recognize Rustamid rule. On the other hand, in Hispania become al-Andalus, the Emirs of Córdoba welcomed the presence of the Rustamids Berbers as natural allies against the Aghlabids, whom Umayyad Córdoba considered Abbasid agents.[99]

Tahert was economically well situated, as it formed an entrepot for trade between the Mediterranean coast and the Sahara. During the summer Tahert became the market place where the pastoralist of the steppe exchanged their animal produce for the local grains harvested by sedentary farmers. As the most prominent Khawarij center, it attracted immigrants from across the Islamic world, including Persia the home of its founder, and as well Christians. Yet "life at Tahert was conducted in a permanent state of religious fevor."[100][101]

The founder Ibn Rustam (r.776-784) took the title of Imam. While in theory elected by elders, in practice the Imam was an hereditary office. The constitution was theocratic. The Imam was both a political and a religious leader.[102] Islamic law was strictly applied. "[A]dulterers were stoned, the hands of thieves were cut off, and in war pillage and the massacring of non-warriors was not permitted." The Imam managed the state, law and justice, prayers and charity. He collected zakah ["alms"] at harvest and distributed it to the poor and for public works. He appointed the qadi, the treasurer, and the police chief. The Imam was expected to lead an ascetic life and be an able theologian and astute, as civic disputes could easily develop into religious schism. Yet opposing parties in disputes often submitted to mediation. The Khawarij was tolerant toward unbelievers.[103][104]

The remaining Christians of the region (called Afariqa or Ajam by Muslim Arabs) could find tolerance in Rustamid Tahert, where their community was known as the Majjana. This acceptance "might explain the growth of Ibadi communities in area where there is also evidence for the persistence of Christianity." Yet here, given the continuing defense of Rustamid autonomy against "the depredations of the central power" the Aghlabids, conversion to Islam was sometimes "as much a political as a religious act."[105]

The Rustamids endured about as long at the Aghlibid emirate; both states fell to the Fatimids during 909. Kharijites surviving from the Rustamid era eventually became Ibadis, and for the most part reside currently in the Djebel Nefousa (western Libya), in the Mzab and at Wargla (eastern mid-Algeria, and on Djerba island in Tunisia.[106][107][108]

[edit] Fatimids: Shi'a Caliphate

Nearby to the west of Ifriqiya, the newly emerging Fatimid movement grew in strength and numbers. Thereafter the Fatimids began to launch frequent attacks on the Aghlabid regime. Such militant aggression provoked general unrest and increased Aghlabid political instability.[109] The Fatimids eventually managed to capture Kairouan in 909, forcing the last of theb Aghlabid line, Ziyadat Allah III, to evacuate the palace at Raqadda. Concurrently the Rustamid state was overthrown. On the east coast of Ifriqiaya facing Egypt, the Fatimids built a new capital on top of ancient ruins, calling the seaport Mahdiya after their mahdi.[110]

[edit] Maghribi Origin

Gold coin of Calif al-Mahdi. Kairouan, Ifriqiya, 912 CE.

The Fatimid movement had originated locally in al-Maghrib, based on the strength of the Kotama Berbers in Kabylia (Setif, south of Bougie, eastern Algeria). The two founders of the movement were recent immigrants from the Islamic east: Abu 'Abdulla ash-Shi'i, originally from San'a in al-Yemen; and, arriving from Salamiyah in Syria, 'Ubaidalla Sa'id. These two were religious dissidents who had come west to al-Magrib specifically to propagate their beliefs. The later, 'Ubaidalla Sa'id, claimed descent from Fatima the daughter of the prophet Muhammad; he was to proclaim himself the Fatimid Mahdi). Their religious affiliation was the Ismaili branch of the Shia.

By agreement, the first of the two founders to arrive (circa 893) was Abu 'Abdulla ash-Shi'i, the Ismaili Da'i or propagandist. He found welcome in the hostility against the Caliphate in Baghdad freely expressed by the Kotama Berbers.[111] After his success in recruitment and in building the organization, Abu 'Abdulla was ready in 902 to send for 'Ubaidalla Sa'ed, who (after adventures and Aghlibid imprisonment in Sijilmasa) arrived in 910. 'Ubaidall Sa'ed then proclaimed himself Mahdi, literally "the guided one", an august Islamic title of supreme command, taking the name Ubayd Allah al-Mahdi Billah. He assumed leadership of the movement. Thereafter Abu 'Abdulla was killed in a dispute over control.[112]

From the start the Shi'a Fatimid movement had been focused on expansion eastward toward the heartland of Islam. Soon the new Mahdi ordered an attack on Egypt by a Fatimid army of Kotama Berbers led by his son al-Qa'im, once in 914, and again in 919; the Fatimids quickly took Alexandria, but both times lost it back to the Sunni Abbasids.[113] Probing for weakness, the Mahdi then sent an invasion westward, but his forces met with mixed results. Many Sunnis, including the Umayyad Caliph of al-Andalus and the Zenata Berber kingdom in Morocco, effectively opposed him because of his Ismaili Shi'a affiliation. The Mahdi did not follow Maliki law; he taxed harshly, incurring further resentment. His capital Mahdiya was more a fort than a princely city. The Maghrib was disrupted, being contested between the Zenata in the west and the Sanhaja who favored the Fatimids. Yet eventually Fatimid authority spread to most of al-Magrib.[114][115]

After the death of the Mahdi, there came the popular Kharijite revolt of 935, under Abu Yazid (nicknamed Abu Himara, "the man on a donkey"). Abu Yazid was known to ride about clad in common clothes accompanied by his wife and four sons. This Berber revolt, centering on a social justice appeal with respect to Kharijite ideals, gathered a wide following; by 943 it was said to be spreading confusion far and wide.[116] The Mahdi's son, the Fatimid caliph al-Qa'im, became besieged in his capital Mahdiya. The situation appeared desperate when a relief column led by Ziri ibn Manad broke through the siege with supplies and reinforcements for the Fatimids. Eventually Abu Yazid lost much of his following and in 946 was defeated in battle; this was the work of the son of al-Qa'im, the next Fatimid caliph, Ishmail, who accordingly took the sobriquet Mansur, the "victor". Mansur then moved his residence and his government to Kairouan. Fatimid rule continued to be under attack by Sunni power to the west, i.e., the Umayyad Caliphate in Al-Andalus. Nonetheless the Fatimids prospered.[117]

[edit] Conquest of Egypt

Fatimid Empire (909-1171) at its greatest extent (e.g., Egypt, 969).

In 969 the Fatimid caliph al-Mu'izz sent against Egypt his best general Jawhar al-Rumi, who led a Kotama Berber army. Egypt then was nominally under the Abbasid Caliphate, yet sice 856 Egypt had been ruled by Turks, now by the Turkish Ikhshidid dynasty; however, actual control had passed into the strong hands of the Ethiopian eunuch Abu-l-Misk Kafur for 22 years. At Kafur's death in 968, Egypt's leadership became weak and confused. The Fatimids in Ifriqiya, carefully observing these conditions in Misr (Egypt), ceased the opportunity to conquer.[118]

The al-Azhar mosque, founded in 970

Jawhar al-Rumi accordingly managed the military conquest without great difficulty. The Shi'a Fatimids subsequently founded al-Qahira (Cairo) ["the victorius" or the "city of Mars"]. In 970 the Fatimids also founded the world famous al-Azhar mosque, which later became the leading Sunni theological center.[119] Three years later al-Mu'izz the Fatimid caliph decided to leave Ifriqiyah for Egypt, which he did, taking everything, "his treasures, his administrative staff, and the coffins of his predecessors."[120] This al-Mu'izz was hightly educated, wrote Arabic poetry, had mastered Berber, studied Greek, and delighted in literature; he was also a very capable ruler and it was he who founded Fatimid power in Egypt. Once centered there the Fatimids expanded their possessions further, northeast to Syria and southeast to Mecca and Medina, while retaining control of North Africa. From Cairo the Fatimids were to enjoy relative success, reigning until 1171. They became for a time the foremost power of Islam; they never returned to Ifriqiyah.[121] Meanwhile the Kotama Berbers, wornout from their conflicts on behalf of the Fatimids, disappeared from the streets of al-Qahira, and thereafter also from the life of al-Maghrib.[122]

The western lands of the Fatimids were assigned to Berber vassals who continued in name the Shi'a caliphate rule. The first chosen ruler was Buluggin ibn Ziri, son of Ziri ibn Manad (died 971), the Sanhaja Berber chieftain who had saved the Fatimids when besieged in Mahdiya by Abu Yazid (see above). The Zirid dynasty would eventually become the sovereign power in Ifiqiya.[123][124]

[edit] Reference notes

  1. ^ The Islamic calendar starts on July 16, 622 A.D., an estimated date for Muhammad's flight (Hijra) from Mecca to Medina. Years in this calendar are designated A.H. for Anno Hegira or the Hijri year. Since the Islamic calendar is strictly lunar, it runs about eleven and one-quarter days shorter than a solar year; hence calculation of dates between this lunar and a solar calendar are complicated. The calendar used in this article is a solar calendar, the traditional western calendar being the Gregorian, with the years dating from an approximate birth date of Jesus, designated either B.C. for Before Christ, or A.D. for Anno Domini. Alternatively the western calendar can be renamed to sanction a secular modernism, a nominal neutrality, or otherwise, the years being called B.C.E. and C.E., for Common Era.
  2. ^ Kenneth J. Perkins, Tunisia. Crossroads of the Islamic and European Worlds (Boulder, Colorado: Westview 1986) at 1-5.
  3. ^ Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (Cambridge Univ. 1971) at 1-6.
  4. ^ The World Factbook on "Tunisia".
  5. ^ Charles-André Julien, Histoire de L'Afrique du Nord (Paris: Payot 1952), translated as History of North Africa. Tunisia Algeria Morocco. From the Arab Conquest to 1830 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1970; New York: Praeger 1970)at 1-3. Julien discusses the "scanty information" available on the Arab Conquest, basically four "traditions" about this "heroic and legendary age" (by Waqadi, at Medina and Bagdad, end of 8th century; by Ibn 'Abd al-Hakam, at Cairo, 871; an Andalusian (Spanish Moor) tradition of the 13th; and, a Tunisian tradition from Kairouan also of the 13th). Later annalist (including the Ibn Khaldun of Tunis) seem to improve on these early traditions by applying their literary skill to coax out further details; not an approved or satifactory method. Julian relies on the work of historians William Marçais and Emile Gautier.
  6. ^ H. Mones, "The Conquest of North Africa and Berber resistance" in I. Hrbek (ed.), General History of Africa (Univ.of California/UNESCO 1992) at 118-129, 122-123.
  7. ^ Charles-André Julien, Histoire de L'Afrique du Nord (Paris: Payot 1952), translated as History of North Africa. Tunisia Algeria Morocco. From the Arab Conquest to 1830 (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1970; New York: Praeger 1970)at 7, map at 9.
  8. ^ Cf., H. Mones, "The Conquest of North Africa and Berber resistance" in I. Hrbek (ed.), General History of Africa (Univ.of California/UNESCO 1992) at 118-129. Prof. Mones at 118-120 provides a description of the various Berber tribes of this period, their locations and alliances.
  9. ^ Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (1971) at 67-69.
  10. ^ John K. Cooley, Baal, Christ, and Mohammed (New York: Holt Rinehart Winston 1965) at 64-69.
  11. ^ A slightly different view of Kusaila (Kusayla) is given by H. Mones, in his "The Conquest of North Africa and Berber resistance" in I. Hrbek (ed.), General History of Africa (Univ.of California/UNESCO 1992) at 118-129, 123-124. Mones relates that Kusayla converted to Islam at first but turned against Islam due to a perceived injustice, i.e., Islamic Arabs marching against Berber converts.
  12. ^ Three citations may be given as follows: Muhammed Talbi, "Un nouveau fragment de l'histoire de l'Occident musulman: l'épopée d'al Kahina" in Cahiers de Tunisie 19: 19-52 (1971); Abdelmajid Hannoum, Post-Colonial Memories. The Legend of Kahina, a North African heroine (2001); Yves Modéran, "Kahena" in Encyclopédie Berbère 27: 4102-4111. By a prior interpretation of Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406), al-Kahina was seen as Jewish; yet this is now being understood as a misreading of his text.
  13. ^ Contra: André Chouraqui presents Kahina as Jewish in his Les Juifs d'Afrique du Nord. Entre l'Orient et l'Occident (Paris: Foundation Nat. de Sciences Politiques 1965), translated as Between East and West. A History of the Jews of North Africa (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society 1968; reprint New York: Atheneum 1973) at 34-37. "[T]he warrior-priestess Kahena... was the chief of the Jerawa tribe." "Later historians [were] unanimous in regarding [the Jerawa] as Jews." In telling of the color and controversy surrounding Kahena, Chouraqui cites Ibn Khaldun, and other and modern authors. Ibid. at 34, and notes 2-10 (at 328-329).
  14. ^ Brett & Fentress, The Berbers (1996) at 85.
  15. ^ Cooley, Baal, Christ, and Mohammed (1965) at 69-72.
  16. ^ Welch, North African Prelude (1949) at 189-194.
  17. ^ Chouraqui, Between East and West. A History of the Jews of North Africa (Atheneum 1973) at 34-37.
  18. ^ Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (1971) at 69-70.
  19. ^ G. S. Hodgson, Marshall (1958, 1961, 1974). The Venture of Islam. University of Chicago. pp. Volume I: 308. 
  20. ^ Hodgson (1958, 1961, 1974). The Venture of Islam. pp. Volume I: 308. 
  21. ^ Hodgson (1958, 1961, 1974). The Venture of Islam. pp. 308-309. 
  22. ^ Cf., Abdallah Laroui, L'Histoire du Maghreb (Paris 1970), translated by Ralph Manheim as The History of the Maghrib (Princeton Univ. 1977) at 98-101, who distills this argument from modern French academics, e.g., Stephane Gsell, Charles-Andres Julien, and Gabriel Camps. Laroui presents this argument, then mocks it and penetrates it, taking the discussion through various points of view: positive, negative, neutral, other. "If a Maghribi were to rewrite the history of France and England from the point of view of the Celts, stressing their negativity and inauthenticity... ." Laroui, Ibid., at 101.
  23. ^ Perkins pointedly discusses the seeming preference of earlier French historians for the Berbers over the Arabs because it was considered that a Berber ascendancy was good for French interests. Perkins, Tunisia (1986) at 54, n1 (to text at 41), discussing the Arab Bani Hilal.
  24. ^ Laroui, The History of the Maghrib at 100.
  25. ^ Although then it was the Byzantines who were rivals of the Arabs, both foreign powers coming from the east. Yet, of course, the Byzantines shared with the Romans their civil traditions and the Christian religion.
  26. ^ Allal al-Fasi. Al-Harakat al-Istiqlaliya. pp. introduction. , cited by Laoui (1970, 1977) at 101, n.19.
  27. ^ See above, "Early History" section.
  28. ^ Joseph Greenberg, The Languages of Africa (Indiana Univ. 1966) at 42, 50.
  29. ^ David Crystal, Cambridge Encyclopedia of Language (1987) at 316.
  30. ^ I. M. Diakonoff, Semito-Hamitic Languages (Moscow: Nauka Publishing House 1965).
  31. ^ As to such possible linkages, cf. Julian Baldick, Black God. Afro-Asiatic roots of Jewish, Christian, and Muslim religions (1998).
  32. ^ Cf., H.T.Norris, Saharan Myth and Saga (Oxford Univ. 1972).
  33. ^ Cf., Moorish Literature, introduction by René Basset (New York: Collier 1901).
  34. ^ Carl Gustav Jung suggests an unconscious symbolism shared universally by human beings, C.G.Jung, "Über die Archetypen des kollektiven Unbewussten" (1954), translated as "Archetypes of the collecive unconscious" in Collected Works, volume 9,i (Princeton Univ. [Bollingen] 1959, 1969) at 3-41.
  35. ^ Jolande Jacobi, Die Psychologie von C.G.Jung (Zürich: Rascher 1939), translated by Ralph Manheim as The Psychology of C.G.Jung (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1942; Yale Univ. 1943, 6th ed. revised 1962) at 30-49. Jacobi abstracts several cultural and civilizational implications, Ibid. at 33-35.
  36. ^ Ira Progoff, Jung's Psychology and its Social Meaning (New York: The Julian Press 1953, 2nd ed. 1969; reprint 1955, The Grove Press; reprint 1973, Doubleday Anchor). Progoff draws out the inferences: "[S]ince the archetypes involve the most fundamental meanings, they appear on a psychic level that is prior to individuality, and are expressed in the core belief that underlies major cultural units." The archetypes are the source for "the formation of the various social symbols in history" that then "provide the figures and images which fill the collective level of the unconsicous in the individual psyche." Accordingly, "it is not abstractly but in their historical forms that they come forth in the ever-changing psychic contents of social life." "The motifs of the original founding myth of the people form the basis of a continuity in the psyche, a continuity which is a group phenomenon, but which nevertheless is expressed and experienced by the individual." Progoff (1973) at 242-245.
  37. ^ See above, Early History section.
  38. ^ The Phoenicians of Tyre who founded and settled in Carthage spoke and wrote in a Canaanite language, a division of Northwest Semitic, called Punic (Lancel, Carthage. A history (1992, 1995) at 351-360), and transplanted their culture to Africa.
  39. ^ See above Carthage section.
  40. ^ Chouraqui, Between East and West (1952, 1968) at 3-5, who cites a variety of sources, e.g., Flavius Josephus (37-c.100), Antiquities of the Jews I:15 (that the Libyans were invaded by Ophren, grandson of Moses, whose descendants multiplied in Africa); Tacitus (56-c.117), Annals V,2 (that the Jews were originally Libyans, i.e., Berbers); St. Augustine (354-430), Epistolae ad Romanos Inchoata Exposition 13 (P.L. 34, 2096), who reported a widespread belief by local Berbers (or mixed Punic-Berbers) of their Canaanite origins; Ibn Khaldun (1332-1406), Histoire des Berberes, as translated by Slane (Algiers 1852-1856) at 177, who stated that the Berbers are descendants of Canaan, yet which he contradicts later, at 183; and a pilgrimage site at Nedromah (near Tlemcen, Algeria), believed to be the tomb of Joshua the biblical conqueror, successor to Moses.
  41. ^ Cf., H. Mones, "The conquest of North Africa and the Berber resistance" at 118-129, 128-129, in General History of Africa, volume III, edited by I. Hrbek (Univ.of California/UNESCO 1992).
  42. ^ Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib at 71.
  43. ^ Marshall G. S. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam, at volume I: 226, and 308-312.
  44. ^ /burns/chroma/clergy/Tillyorder.html 300 Tilly Vandal & Byz destroy espiscopal collegiality //divinity.library.vanderbilt.edu 298 Victor of Vita & Life of Fulgentius = conver to chr. 292-4 Frend explains end: Donatists 294- Speel: Vandals 307 but if so where are churches? 307 carrot and stick = "created circ.s whereby Chrty dwindled and died in elev-& twel-c N.Afr." 307 13 July 1159 decree: convertion or death chr. of Tunis 307 Arabs debate if Almohads to blame for end of chr. (not romans berbers vandals byz) 306 10-11th Libya Christmas, Byz calendar || Cordoba martyrs & monk Geo see perse in N.Afr. 306 shrine of st.cyprian tomb at C 9th; 11th Kairouan chr. monumts erectd & ecclesiastics, latin 305 11th pope leo ix's ltr 5 bishops in Africa, 3 named; ltr if C. to pope benedict vii 10th 305 one bishop in Africa Cyriacus of Carthage ltr to pope 11th; 1192 archbishop of C. mentioned 303-4 10th: Tunis church + 3 fatwas agst chr + Hadrumetum/Sousse bishop 303 /Savage 101-2-3 107-10 afariqa 7th: Barqa Gabes Maqqara Beja Sousse, villages: K to Sfax 303 chr. at Tahert: wealthy traders, own church, bodyguards of Wahid 9th, left* for Warjla 10th 302 History of Arab conq. writ in 9th to justify enslaving backsliding Berbers 302 M. as a prophet not the prophet in 7th: how convert to what || submit to military or relg. 300 two large tribes convert to chr in 6th c. - Garamantes & Maccuritae 299 Masuna in Altava & imperator Masties in Aures: inscrip both w/ crosses 297 Ghirza site in Trip= 6th c. Leuathae confed. pre-chr. ABOVE HANDLEY
  45. ^ Mark A. Handley, "Disputing the End of African Christianity" at 291-310, in Vandals, Romans and Berbers (2004).
  46. ^ Alan Rushworth, "From Arzuges to Rustamids. State formation and regional identity in the pre-Sahara zone" at 77-98, 91, 94, in Vandals, Romans and Berbers (2004).
  47. ^ H. Mones, "The Conquest of North Africa and Berber resistance" in I. Hrbek (ed.), General History of Africa (Univ. of California/UNESCO 1992) at 118-129, 127-129. The Berbers particularly resented Arab ethnic discrimination against Berber converts to Islam.
  48. ^ Cf., Laoui, The History of the Maghrib (1970, 1977) at 54-57. See above, Roman Province of Africa, per Christianity, its Donatist schism. Too, the Vandals (see above, Vandal Kingdom) also religiously polarized the society by the forcing on the urban centers their Arian Christianity (which did parallel at least to some extent Islamic theology about the rôle of Jesus).
  49. ^ Perkins, Tunisia (1986) at 29-30.
  50. ^ Cf., Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (1971) at 65-66.
  51. ^ One of the few surviving members of the Umayyad family, Abd-ar-Rahman I fled Syria as a fugitive, made his way west, hiding for a time in a Berber camp near Ifriqiya; later, he became the Emir of Cordoba (756-786) and founder of another Umayyad dynasty there in al-Andalus(756-1031). Richard Fletcher, Moorish Spain (New York: Henry Holt 1992) at 28.
  52. ^ Julien, History of North Africa (Paris, Payot 1952; London: Routledge, Kegan Paul 1970) at 21-24.
  53. ^ Especially after the rise of the Persianizing 'Abbasids and the move of the capital further to the east, to Baghdad.
  54. ^ Julien, Charles-André Julien, Histoire de L'Afrique du Nord (Paris: Payor 1931; revised by de Tourneau 1952), translated as History of North Africa (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1970; New York: Praeger 1970) at 41: "[Ibrahim ibn al-Aghlab] made skillful use of the insurrections in Ifriqiyah to set himself up as mediator and in turn to secure the title of Amir in 800."
  55. ^ Perkins, Tunisia (Boulder: Westview 1986) at 30.
  56. ^ Laroui, The History of the Maghrib (1970, 1977) at 116.
  57. ^ Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (1971) at 77.
  58. ^ Julien, Histoire de L'Afrique du Nord (Paris: Payor 1931; revised by de Tourneau 1952), translated as History of North Africa (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1970; New York: Praeger 1970) at 42.
  59. ^ Laroui, The History of the Maghrib (1970, 1977) at 118.
  60. ^ Julien defines Afariq as Christians of Ifriqiya, including Berbers and Romans. Charles-André Julien, Histoire de L'Afrique du Nord (Paris: Payor 1931; revised by de Tourneau 1952), translated as History of North Africa (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1970; New York: Praeger 1970) at 43.
  61. ^ At origin, Aghlabid rule was based on their effective use of negotiations and military force to control the populace and secure civil order. In theory the Aghlabids came to rule on behalf of the 'Abbasid Caliphate in Bagdad, whose prestige naturally enhanced Aghlabid authority among the locals of Ifriqiya. Julien, History of North Africa (Paris 1952; London 1970) at 41-42.
  62. ^ Laroui, The History of the Maghrib (1970, 1977) at 118.
  63. ^ Cf., Perkins, Tunisia (1986) at 30-31.
  64. ^ Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (1971) at 77.
  65. ^ Kenneth J. Perkins, Tunisia. Crossroads of the Islamic and European Worlds (Boulder: Westview Press 1986) at 31-32.
  66. ^ Charles-André Julien, History of North Africa (1931, 1952, 1970) at 49-50. The observer may recognize this social pattern as being all too common in human societies no matter the age nor the locale.
  67. ^ In 1061 the Normans under Roger I of Sicily arrived on the island and eventually brought it under their rule. Charles Homer Haskins, The Normans in European History (Houghton Mifflin 1915, reprint Norton 1966) at 208-211.
  68. ^ Perkins, Tunisia (1986) at 33.
  69. ^ Julien, Charles Andre (Paris: 1931, 1952; London: 1970). History of North Africa. pp. 48-49. 
  70. ^ In turn, the 'Abbasid Caliphate owed much to the governing institutions of the antecedent Sasanian Persians. Hodgson, The Venture of Islam (Univ.of Chicago 1958, 1961, 1974) at I: 380-384.
  71. ^ Laroui, The History of the Maghrib (1970, 1977) at 117.
  72. ^ Muhammad Ben Cheneb (ed. & transl.), Classes des savants de l'Ifriqiya (Alger: Publications de la Faculte de lettres d'Alger 1914-1920), cited by Julien (1970) at 43 n.12 and 75.
  73. ^ Cf. Laroui (1970, 1977) at 119 n.19.
  74. ^ Perkins, Tunisia (1986) at 30-31.
  75. ^ Laroui, History of the Maghrib (1970, 1977) at 120-121. Laroui suggests that the Ifriqiya victory by the Maliki partisans was aided by linking the Hanafi school to the rationalist doctrines of the Mu'tazili, which later became discredited. Ibid. at 120.
  76. ^ Knut S. Vikor, Between God and the Sultan. A History of Islamic Law (Oxford Univ. 2005) at 94-100.
  77. ^ Laroui, The History of the Maghrib (1970, 1977) at 120.
  78. ^ The offending tax on crops payable in cash being the act of the second amir, 'Abdullah ibn Ibrahim (812-817). Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (1971) at 77.
  79. ^ Julien, History of North Africa (1931, 1952, 1970) at 45-46.
  80. ^ Perkins, Tunisia (1986) at 30-31.
  81. ^ Laroui, The History of the Maghrib (1970, 1977) at 121.
  82. ^ Julien, History of North Africa (1952, 1970) at 43, 338.
  83. ^ Such a role was present among the Berbers from earliest recorded times.
  84. ^ The role is similar to the Ancient Hebrew ro'é [seer] and nabi [ecstatic or prophet], which two roles later became combined. T.H.Robinson, Prophecy and the Prophets of Ancient Israel (London: Duckworth ) at 28-38. Cf., William Robertson Smith, The Religion of the Semites. Second and Third Series [1890-1891] (Sheffield Academy Press 1995), edited by John Day, at 56-58.
  85. ^ Laroui, The History of the Maghrib (1970, 1977) at 121-125.
  86. ^ Richard W. Bulliet, The Camel and the Wheel (Harvard Univ. 1975) at 113, 138.
  87. ^ A. Bathily, "Relations between the different regions of Africa" at 348-357, 350, in General History of Africa, volume III, Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century (UNESCO 1992).
  88. ^ E. W. Bovill, The Golden Trade of the Moors (Oxford Univ. 1958, 1968) at 68-74, 87, 239.
  89. ^ Abdallah Laroui, The History of the Maghrib (Paris 1970, Princeton Univ. 1977) at 115-121
  90. ^ Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (1971) at 76-78.
  91. ^ Charles-André Julien, Histoire de L'Afrique du Nord (Paris: Payor 1931; revised by de Tourneau 1952), translated as History of North Africa (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul 1970; New York: Praeger 1970) at 41-50.
  92. ^ Glassé, The Concise Encyclopedia of Islam (San Francisco: HarperCollins 1991) at 222-223, 165. Kharijite origin is not connected to that of the Shi'a, the party of Ali.
  93. ^ Julien, A History of North Africa (Paris 1952; London 1970) at 21.
  94. ^ Julien, A History of North Africa (1952, 1970) at 22 (740), 24 (772).
  95. ^ This region was mentioned in the History of Roman era Tunisia#Berbers, Vandals, Byzantines as the "post-Roman" Berber Kingdom of the Ouarsenis, including their large masoleums called Djeddars.
  96. ^ Map: "The Maghreb in the eighth-ninth centuries AD" reproduced from J. M. Abun Nasr, A History of the Maghrib in the Islamic Period (Cambridge University 1987) at 44, in Alan Rushworth, "From Arzuges to Rustamids. State formation and regional identity in the pre-Sahara zone" at 77-98, 89 (map), 90, in Vandals, Romans and Berbers (Aldershot: Ashgate 2004), edited by A. H. Merrills.
  97. ^ Rushworth, "From Arzuges to Rustamids. State formation and regional identity in the pre-Sahara zone" at 77-98, 90, in Vandals, Romans and Berbers (2004). Rushworth cites the work of Elizabeth Savage (1997), Ernest Gellner (1959), and Robert Montagne (1931).
  98. ^ Rushworth, "From Arzuges to Rustamids. State formation and regional identity in the pre-Sahara zone" at 77-98, 98, 95-98, in Vandals, Romans and Berbers (2004), edited by A. H. Merrills.
  99. ^ Jamil M. Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (Cambridge Univ. 1971) at 71-76, 74-76.
  100. ^ Julien, History of North Africa (Paris 1952; London 1970) at 27-28, 30-31.
  101. ^ Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (Cambridge Univ. 1971) at 75.
  102. ^ E.g., the Sufrite Kharijites who ran the independent government in nearby Sijilmasa at times paid tithe to the Rustamid Imam. Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (1971) at 75.
  103. ^ Julien, History of North Africa (Paris 1952; London 1970) at 29-32.
  104. ^ Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (Cambridge Univ. 1971) at 75.
  105. ^ Rushworth, "From Arzuges to Rustamids. State formation and regional identity in the pre-Sahara zone" at 77-98, 91-95, quotes at 94-95 and 98, in Vandals, Romans and Berbers (2004), edited by A. H. Merrills.
  106. ^ Julien, History of North Africa (Paris 1952; London 1970) at 32-33.
  107. ^ Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (Cambridge Univ. 1971) at 76.
  108. ^ Rushworth, "From Arzuges to Rustamids. State formation and regional identity in the pre-Sahara zone" at 77-98, 96-98, in Vandals, Romans and Berbers (2004).
  109. ^ Ifriqiya of the Aghlabids continued to endure strife of various kinds, e.g., the cause of the orthodox Sunnis of the Malikite madhhab, and the surviving Rustamid state of the Kharijite Berbers to south and east. I. Hrbek, "The emergence of the Fatimids" in General History of Africa, volume III, at 163 (Paris: UNESCO; Berkeley: Univ.of California 1992, abridged edition).
  110. ^ Laroui, The History of the Maghrib (1970, 1977) at 130-132.
  111. ^ Glassé, The Concise Encyclopedia of Islam re "Fatimid" at 123-125. Glassé remarks on: a) the pre-Islamic Berber connections to Gnostic doctrines, and b) the Manichaean leadership near Baghdad, proximous to the Ismailis; he see this as further reasons for the Kotama Berber resonance with the Ismaili Da'i, at 124.
  112. ^ Abun-Nasr, A History of the Maghrib (1971) at 80-81.
  113. ^ Stanley Lane-Poole, A History of Egypt in the Middle Ages (London: Methuen 1901) at 80-81.
  114. ^ Julien, History of North Africa (1931, 2d ed. 1961, tr. 1970) at 56-60.
  115. ^ The Sanhaja Berbers were associated with the Kotama. H. Mones, "The conquest of North Africa and the Berber resistance" in General History of Africa (1992), volume III, at 118-119.
  116. ^ The view of the revolt as chaotic has been questioned. Cf., Aziz al-Azmeh, Ibn Khaldun in Modern Scholarship at 215-218.
  117. ^ Perkins, Tunisia (1986) at 36 & 39; Julian, History of North Africa (1931, 1961, 1970) at 66-67.
  118. ^ Lane-Poole, A History of Egypt in the Middle Ages (1901) at 101-102.
  119. ^ I. Hrbek, "The emergence of the Fatimids" in General History of Africa, volume III, at 163-175, 171 (Paris: UNESCO; Berkeley: Univ.of California 1992, abridged edition).
  120. ^ Laroui, History of the Maghrib (1970, 1977) at 133.
  121. ^ Poole, A History of Egypt in the Middle Ages (1901), who praises the founder of the Fatimids in Egypt, Mo'izz (at 99-101, 107-109), and his general, Jawhar (at 102-104). Yet the following Fatimid centuries in Egypt he finds lackluster or oppressive (at 117-118).
  122. ^ Julien, History of North Africa (1931, 1961, 1970) at 54-55.
  123. ^ Abdallah Laroui, The History of the Maghrib (1970, 1977) at 138-139.
  124. ^ Julien, History of North Africa (1931, 1961, 1970) at 62, 64-66.

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