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Grand Ayatollah Hossein-Ali Montazeri (Persian: حسینعلی منتظری), styled His Honourable Eminence, (born in 1922), is an Iranian scholar, theologian, writer and human rights activist. He was one of the leaders of the Iranian Revolution in 1979. He is best known as the one-time designated successor to the revolution's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Khomeini who fell out with Khomeini in 1989 over government policies that Montazeri claimed infringed on freedom and denied people's rights. Montazeri currently lives in the holy city of Qom, and remains politically influential in Iran, especially upon reformist politics.[1] He is a senior Islamic scholar and a Grand Marja (religious authority) of Islam. For almost three decades, Hossein Ali Montazeri has been one of the main critics of Islamic Republic's domestic and foreign policy. He has also been an active advocate of civil rights and women's rights in Iran. Montazeri is a prolific writer and has authored a number of books and articles.
[edit] Early Life and public careerBorn in 1922, Montazeri is from a peasant family in Najafabad[2], a city in Isfahan Province, 250 miles south of Tehran. His early theological education was in Isfahan. Montazeri then went to Qom where he studied under Khomeini and went on to become a teacher at the Faiziyeh Theological School. While there he answered Khomeini's call to protest the White Revolution of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi in June 1963 and was active in anti-Shah clerical circles.[3] After Khomeini was forced into exile by the Shah, Montazeri "sat at the center of the clerical network" which Khomeini had established to fight the Pahlavi rule. He was sent to prison in 1974 and released in 1978 in time to be active during the revolution.[4] [edit] Iranian revolutionMontazeri is famous as an Islamic jurist who was made to pay for his liberal-leaning beliefs. He supports a democratic republic as the best form of government; however in his ideal model for government, an Islamic jurist acts as a supervisor and advisor, what he along with Ayatollah Khomeini termed as velayat-e faqih. He is the author of Dirasat fi Vilayah al-Faqih, a scholarly book advocating the supervision of an Islamic jurists on the administration. He believes in the independence of the government and he does not accept any executive and policy making role for the Islamic jurist. [5] According to Ayatollah Montazeri, the rule of the jurisprudent ("velayat-e faqih") should be limited to the function of advisor to the rulers, who are elected by the people without violating Islamic principles. Montazeri asserts that the rule of the jurisprudent should not be an absolute rule.[6][7] In 1979, following the overthrow of the Shah, he played a pivotal role in instituting Iran's new constitution. He was one of the leaders of the movement to replace the democratic and secular draft constitution proposed for the Islamic Republic with one where the supervision of Islamic jurists were recognized. He distributed "a detailed commentary and alternate draft" for Iran's new constitution. It included proposals to specify that Twelver Shi'ism -- and not Islam in general -- was the official religion of the state; for Islamic jurists to appoint judges, have the right of veto over all laws and actions that are against the Islamic principles.[8] Later he served on the Assembly of Experts (Majles-e-Khobregan) that wrote the constitution and implemented many of his proposals.[4] During this time Montazeri also served as Friday prayer leader of Qom, as a member of the Revolutionary Council and as deputy to Supreme Leader Khomeini. Khomeini began "to transfer some of his power" to Montazeri, in 1980. By 1983 "all government offices hung a small picture" of Montazeri next to that of Khomeini. After Khomeini indicated he wished Montazeri to be his successor Montazeri initially rejected this idea insisting that the choice of successor be left to the democratically elected Assembly of Experts[9] Montazeri relented though and following a session of the Assembly of Experts that November (1985),[10] he was designated Khomeini's successor as Supreme Leader. Some observers believe Khomeini chose him for this role solely because of his support for Khomeini's principle of theocratic rule by Islamic jurists. Khomeini's proposed form of administration called for the most learned, or one of the most learned, Islamic jurists to "rule", and of all those who might be considered a leading Islamic jurist only Montazeri supported theocracy. In Montazeri's opinion, however the jurist would not act as an absolute ruler, rather he will act as an advisor and consultant.[11]
[edit] Dispute with Khomeini and demotionAs designated heir to Khomeini, Montazeri's troubles began with his association with Mehdi Hashemi who ran an organization out of Montazeri's office to export the Islamic revolution. Hashemi is thought to have embarrassed Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani by leaking information of his connection with the Iran-Contra affair. Subsequently Hashemi was arrested, convicted and executed in 1987 on charges of counterrevolutionary activities.[12] In November 1987 Montazeri created more controversy when he called for the legalization of political parties, though under strict regulation.[13] He followed this by calling for "an open assessment of failures" of the Revolution and an end to export of revolution, claiming Iran should inspire by example not train and arm allied groups.[12] Khomeini responded the next February by criticizing Montazeri and a month later called for a meeting of the Assembly of Experts to "discuss him."[12] Things came to a head following the mass execution of thousands of Mojahedin and other political prisoners in late summer and early autumn 1988. Montazeri gave a series of lectures in which he indicated support for a "far more open" policy [14] and in an interview published in Keyhan in early 1989, criticized Khomeini in language that is said to have sealed "his political fate":
Still worse was the publication abroad and broadcast on BBC of his letters condemning post-war wave of executions in March.[15] Montazeri also criticized Khomeini's fatwa ordering the assassination of author Salman Rushdie saying: "People in the world are getting the idea that our business in Iran is just murdering people."[16] On March 26 1989 a furious Khomeini strongly denounced Montazeri's actions, and two days later announced that Montazeri had resigned his post.[17] Montazeri did not protest his loss, issuing a message concluding, "I ask all brothers and sister not to utter a word in my support."[18] In addition to losing his position as designated heir, Montazeri's title of Grand Ayatollah was withdrawn, publication of his lecture in the Keyhan newspaper and reference to him on the state radio stopped, his portraits were collected from offices and mosques, and his security guards were withdrawn. "Articles and editorials appear in various newspapers aimed at dismantling" Montazeri's "impeccable" revolutionary credentials."[19] Some have claimed that the amendment made to Iran's constitution removing the requirement that the Supreme Leader to be a Marja was to deal with the problem of a lack of any remaining Grand Ayatollahs willing to accept "illimitable velayat-e faqih"[20][4][21]. However, others say the reason marjas were not elected was because of their lack of votes in the Assembly of Experts. For example, Grand Ayatollah Mohammad Reza Golpaygani had the backing of only 13 members of the assembly. Furthermore, there were other marjas present who accepted "illimitable velayat-e faqih"[22][23] [edit] Later dissent and house arrestKhomeini died June 1989 and another cleric, Seyed Ali Khamene'i, was selected by the Assembly of Experts to be the new Supreme Leader. Khamene'i had been only a mid-ranking Hojatoleslam before Montazeri's removal. His promotion was sometimes silently and sometimes openly rejected by many Shi'a,[24] including Montazeri. In December 1989 Montazeri's supporters in Qom distributed "night letters" questioning Khamene'i's qualifications to be a Marja e Taqlid ("Source of Emulation"), or in other words, an Ayatollah. In retaliation Revolutionary Guards "detained and humiliated" Montazeri, "forcing him to wear his nightcap rather than his white turban."[9] In October 1997, Ayatollah Montazeri was placed under house arrest, started with the excuse of protecting him from hardliners, after openly criticizing the authority of the Iranian Supreme leader Ayatollah Khamenei. This condition ended in 2003[25][26] after "more than 100 Iranian legislators" called on President Khatami to free Montazeri. Some thought that the government lifted the house arrest to avoid the possibility of a popular backlash from the ailing Montazeri dying while in custody.[27] [edit] Criticism of Mahmoud AhmadinejadOn January 22, 2007, Grand Ayatollah Montazeri criticized Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad for his nuclear and economic policies.[28][29]. While agreeing Iran had the right to develop nuclear energy, he called Ahmadinejad's approach to the issue aggressive, saying, "One has to deal with the enemy with wisdom, not provoke it, ... his (provocation) only creates problems for the country."[29] and asked, "don't we have other rights too?" - referring to individual and human rights.[28] Montazeri also criticized the economic performance of Ahmadinejad's administration's, noting the rate of inflation - including the 50% increase in housing costs[28] - arguing that a country cannot be run on "slogans".[30] He also issued a statement in support of the rights of the Baha'is in the Islamic Republic, saying that though Baha’is did not belong to the People of the Book like Jews, Christians, and Zoroastrians, nonetheless
Montazeri again spoke out against Ahmadinejad on June 16, 2009, during the protests against his reelection. Ahmadinejad was controversially reelected as president after a closely contested and disputed election which involved many candidates but whose leading vote-getters were Ahmadinejad and former Prime Minister Mir Hossein Mousavi. The government reported that Ahmadinejad had won the election with 62 percent of the vote after what was expected to be a close election. Montazeri stated that "No one in their right mind can believe" the results were fairly counted.[32] Montazeri called for three days of public mourning for the death of Neda Agha-Soltan and others killed during the June 22 protests.[33] During November 2009, on the day before the 30th anniversary celebration of the Iran hostage crisis, Montazeri said that the occupation of the American embassy in 1979 had been a mistake.[34] [edit] ReputationMontazeri has been described by his allies as "brilliant," down-to-earth, unpretentious, plain spoken, and as one who "lives plainly, and equates Islam with social justice" and stays above political infighting. His detractors have portrayed him as stubborn and naive in his insistence that the Islamic republic find reconciliation with the "Hypocrites and Liberals" who are its "internal enemies."[2] [edit] References
[edit] Further reading
[edit] See also[edit] External links
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