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Islam in Iran

Imam Reza

History of Islam in Iran

Islamic conquest of Persia
Islamization in Iran
Islamic golden age
Revolution of 1979
Islamic republic of Iran

Notable scholars

Salman the PersianShaikh Saduq
Shaikh Kulainy
Hakim al-NishaburiShaykh Tusi
GhazaliFakhr al-Din al-Razi
AvicennaNasīr al-Dīn al-Tūsī
RumiAbdul-Qadir Gilani
SuhrawardiMulla Sadra
Allameh Tabatabaei
Ruhollah Khomeini

Sects

TwelversZaidis
NizarisAlavidsSunnis
Sufism

Islamic Cities/Regions

MashhadQomRay

Culture

NizamiyyaHawzaShu'ubiyya
Commemoration of Ashura

Architecture

Mosques in IranImam Reza shrine
ZiaratgahNaqsh-i Jahan Square
Iranian architecture

Organizations

BonyadAstan Quds Razavi
Bonyad-e Mostazafen va Janbazan

Bonyads are controversial charitable trusts in Iran that dominate Iran's non-petroleum economy, controlling an estimated 20% of Iran's GDP.[1] Exempt from taxes and government control, they have been called "bloated,"[2] and "a major weakness of Iran’s economy,"[3] and criticized for reaping "huge subsidies from government," while siphoning off production to the lucrative black market and providing limited and inadequate charity to the poor.[2]

Contents

[edit] Background

[edit] Monarchy

Founded as royal foundations by Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, the original bonyads were criticized for providing a "smokescreen of charity" to patronage, economic control, for-profit wheeling and dealing done with the goal of "keep[ing] the Shah in Power."[4] Resembling more a secretive conglomerate than a charitable trust, these bonyads invested heavily in property development - such as the Kish Island resort - but the developments' housing and retail was oriented to the middle and upper classes, rather than the poor and needy.[5]

[edit] Islamic Republic

After the 1979 Iranian revolution, the Bonyads were nationalized and renamed with the declared intention of redistributing income to the poor and families of martyrs, i.e. those killed in the service of the country. The assets of many Iranians whose ideas or social positions ran contrary to the new Islamic government were also confiscated and given to the Bonyads without any consequence.

Today, there are over 100 Bonyads,[6] and they are criticized for many of the same reasons as their predecessors. They form tax-exempt, government subsidized, consortiums receiving religious donations and answerable directly (and only) to the Supreme Leader of Iran. The Bonyads are involved in everything from vast soybean and cotton fields to hotels to soft drinks to auto-manufacturing to shipping lines. The most prominent, the Bonyad-e Mostazafen va Janbazan, (Foundation for the Oppressed and Disabled), for example, "controls 20% of the country's production of textiles, 40% of soft drinks, two-thirds of all glass products and a dominant share also in tiles, chemicals, tires, foodstuffs."[7] Some economists argue that its chair - and not the Minister of Finance or president of the central bank - is considered the most powerful economic post in Iran.[8] In addition to the very large national Bonyads, "almost every Iranian town has its own bonyad", affiliated with local mullahs.[9]

Estimates of how many people the bonyads employ ranges from in excess of 400,000[10] to "as many as 5 million".[3]

[edit] Criticism

Bonyads are criticized as enormously wasteful: overstaffed,[11] corrupt, and generally unprofitable. In 1999 Mohammad Forouzandeh, a former defense minister, reported that 80% of Iran's Bonyad companies were losing money.[11]

Bonyad companies also compete with Iran's unprotected private sector, whose firms complain of the difficulty of competing with bonyad firms whose political connections provide government permits and subsidies which eliminate worries over the need to make a profit in many market sectors. These Bonyads, by their very presence, hamper healthy economic competition, efficient use of capital and other resources, and growth.[6]

As charity organizations they are supposed to provide social services to the poor and the needy; however, "since there are over 100 of these organisations operating independently, the government doesn't know what, why, how and to whom this help and assistance is given." Unaccountable to the Central Bank governor, the bonyads "jealously guard their books from prying eyes."[12] Lack of proper oversight and control of these foundations has also hampered the government's efforts in creating a comprehensive, central and unified social security system in the country undertaken since 2003.[6] Iran has 12 million people living below the poverty line, six million of whom are not supported by any foundation or organization.[13]

Rather than charitable organizations, the bonyads have been described as "patronage-oriented holding companies that ensure the channeling of revenues to groups and milieus supporting the regime," but don't help the poor as a class.[14] Another complaint describes them as having kept to their charitable mission for the first decade of the Islamic Republic, but having "increasingly forsaken their social welfare functions for straightforward commercial activities" since the death of Imam Khomeini.[9] Local city and town bonyad have been accused of sometimes using extortionate tehniques to draw the traditional Shia Islamic 20% khums donations from local business owners.[9]

[edit] Some major bonyads

[edit] See also

[edit] References

  1. ^ Molavi, Afshin, Soul of Iran, Norton, (2006), p.176
  2. ^ a b Mackey, Sandra Iranians, Persia, Islam, and the soul of a nation, New York : Dutton, c1996 (p.370)
  3. ^ a b Katzman, Kenneth. Iran’s Bonyads: Economic Strengths and Weaknesses. 6 Aug 2006 accessed 15-May-2009
  4. ^ Graham, Robert, Iran : the illusion of power, St. Martin's Press, 1980, p.157, 8
  5. ^ Graham, Iran, (1980), p.161
  6. ^ a b c "Ahmadinejad's Achilles Heel: The Iranian Economy" by Dr. Abbas Bakhtiar
  7. ^ NHH Sam 2007, Destructive Competition
  8. ^ Molavi, Afshin, The Soul of Iran, Norton, (2005), p.176
  9. ^ a b c Millionaire mullahs by Paul Klebnikov, July 7, 2003, The Iranian Orginally printed in Forbes, accessed 15-May-2009
  10. ^ Abrahamian, Ervand, History of Modern Iran, Columbia University Press, 2008, p.178
  11. ^ a b "Business: A mess; Iranian privatisation", The Economist. London: Jul 21, 2001. Vol. 360, Iss. 8231; pg. 51
  12. ^ Molavi, Soul of Iran, (2005) p.176
  13. ^ Tehran Times - Poverty in Iran
  14. ^ Roy, Olivier, The Failure of Political Islam by Olivier Roy, translated by Carol Volk, Harvard University Press, 1994, p.139

[edit] Further reading

[edit] External links




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